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>Irlande du Nord: Interview With Anthony McIntyre > > > > > > >André Poulin • À Babord! (Revue sociale et politique), >Québec, 2006 > >(Translated) > >Q: It been a long march to the signing of the Good >Friday Agreement. When was it clear for the Republican >movement that it could not win the war and had to move >toward a political solution to end the conflict? > >A: Anecdotal evidence suggests that Gerry Adams had >plans for an unarmed strategy in 1982. Some in the >Republican Movement today still don't believe they >lost the war. The acceptance of the departure has been >uneven. > >Q: Since the hunger strike, Sinn Fein and the IRA have >embarked on a new strategy, "the Armalite and Ballot >Box". Now that the Armalites are gone, can the ballot >box strategy work, since it is clear that the British >government, the Protestants and the Irish government >are not ready to work with Sinn Fein? > >A: The ballot box strategy can never unite Ireland. >But it can help SF expand and it can produce communal >goods for the constituency SF represents. > >Q: Was the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) welcomed by all >Republicans? > >A: By the bulk, but not them all. > >Q: Bernadette Sands-McKevitt, sister of Bobby Sands, >said about the GFA that her 'brother did not die for >that.' What was the POW position on the GFA? > >A: The POW position on the GFA was to follow the >leadership. Many POWs would have acquiesced for >pragmatic reasons as it substantially reduced their >time in prison. > >Q: What was your position on the GFA? > >A: I was resolutely opposed to it. It was a >celebration of everything we had opposed. I could >accept defeat but not a defeat tarted up as something >else. > >Q: Has people's perception of the GFA changed over the >time? > >A: It is not as popular as it once was. In the past >year it has left Sinn Fein looking weak and >directionless > >Q: The GFA, or the Belfast agreement, as the >Protestants call it, is presented in some Republican >circles as a step toward United Ireland. What can it >offer to the Protestant people in the long term? > >A: It offered nothing of the sort to republicans. The >Sinn Fein leadership put that spin on it for internal >management purposes. It offers the unionists exactly >what they were offered in 1974 — NI will remain in >existence until a majority within NI decide otherwise. > >Q: Gerry Adams has declared that United Ireland could >be achieved by 2016 (100th anniversary of the Easter >Rising). What is your thought on that? > >A: Same as my thoughts on his denials that he was ever >a member of the IRA. Absolute nonsense. > >Q: What do you think about the claim that demographic >trend favouring Catholics will bring united Ireland? > >A: It will not. While virtually all nationalists are >Catholic, not all Catholics are nationalists. A >substantial minority seem prepared to maintain the >union. Virtually all Protestants are unionists and >with the level of Catholic support for the union it >will be sufficient to maintain the union for quite >some time to come. > >Q: Eight years after the GFA, sectarian violence is >still present. Have things really changed? > >A: The GFA could never ease sectarianism but things >are improved. We have a cold war or a war of position >rather than a war of manoeuvre, to borrow Gramscian >concepts. > >Q: With the outing of Scappaticci and Donaldson (and >now his murder), how can the leaders of Sinn Fein >pretend that they were always in control of the peace >process? > >A: It is an interesting question as it takes us to the >heart of the peace process. But, as is implicit in the >question, there were more than them involved in >directing the peace process. One possible reason for >the SF leaders claiming that Denis Donaldson did not >reveal anything to them about his time working for the >British is that the same leaders do not want the >grassroots to know just how in control of the peace >process the British were. > >Q: Can we now say that they have been manipulated by >the British? > >A: It seems a foregone conclusion that the British and >Sinn Fein were singing from the same hymn sheet. The >problem for SF is that the hymn they sing is a very >British one. > >Q: Is the political solution adopted by Sinn Fein in >line with the tradition of the Republic movement? > >A: Not at all. It is the movement learning to love >what it once hated. It is a major departure from the >tradition of the Republican Movement. There is nothing >in its history that would lend legitimacy to its >current actions. > >Q: There always have been dissidence in the Republican >movement; the numerous splits over the years are a >good indication of that. Since the GFA, however, >dissidence does not seem to be anymore about "betrayal >of the first Dail Eireann". What is it new nature? > >A: Theological dissidents would hold to that view. >Others are unhappy with what they see as the betrayal >by the current SF leadership. Some are incorrigible >armed struggle adherents. > >Q: If the path followed by Sinn Fein in not in >accordance with Republicanism. Are there people ready >to create a new political organisation that will not >be associated with the armed struggle? > >A: Republicanism is so fragmented. There is no real >willingness on the part of those disaffected. > >Q: The left in the Republican movement seems to be in >some crisis, why and what are the solutions? > >A: There is no effective left within the Provisional >Movement. The republican left outside it are >ineffectual such as the IRSP. > >Q: If Sinn Fein is no longer the first political party >of the Catholic community, what will happen? Will the >armalite reappear? > >A: The armalite will never disappear, but it is highly >unlikely that it will become the cutting edge of mass >insurrection as it did in the 1970s. > >Q: What is the future of Republicanism in Northern >Ireland? > >A: It will eventually become a constitutional party. >While Adams remains leader, he will push it to the >right in a bid to gain more votes and power. He knows >there is a ceiling on any leftist posturing which is >considerably higher when it comes to adopting a >rightist stance. > >Q: Why did you create The Blanket journal? > >A: Because SF were so censorious that a new vehicle to >allow discussion was necessary. Also, because I enjoy >writing and the web provide new opportunities for >writers. > >Q: How is your journal received in the Republican >community, or more generally in the Catholic community? > >A: It is not well received within the SF community. It >seems well known about and the last figures I received >indicated that it was taking 15,000 hits a day. It is >hard to gauge just how popular it is within the >nationalist community. Given that SF is the favoured >party of that community I imagine it is not very >popular. People stop me on the street and compliment >The Blanket. But maybe that is because they are of >like mind. > >Q: Have you received some comments from the Protestant >community on your journal? > >Q: There seems to be an interest in The Blanket from >within the Unionist community. Many of those who read >it seem to find it a genuine attempt to comment >honestly on political affairs. > >Q: Have you received threats for your opinions? > >A: Yes. From the IRA and Sinn Fein. > >Q: How many people collaborate on it (The Blanket)? > >A: Not many. The writers and the editor. > >Q: How do you decide which article will be published, >and which one will not? > >A: Usually everything is published, except those which >are libellous. > >Q: Is The Blanket associated with a political >organisation? > >A: None at all. It is a free speech website. > >Q: Thank you for taking the time to answer our >questions.

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