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Date Posted: 19:43:18 09/03/02 Tue
Author: Part 2
Subject: Sunday, Bloody Sunday

THE MARCH AND THE MASSACRE

JANUARY 30, 1972: It was a rare day of sunshine as the crowd numbering many thousands, including children, gathered in Creggan. A jovial 'fair day' atmosphere prevailed as the marchers moved in disarray descending the hill towards the Bogside and William Street, down which they hoped to walk into nearby Guildhall Square.

The march had started off from the Bishop's Field, a determined but still good humoured demonstration that was simply out to show its deep-rooted abhorrence of internment without charge or trial and the torture and brutality that had been associated with this policy since August 9th. They had marched to and assembled in Guildhall Square before, so why should anything be different this time ?

The Stormont government's ban on parades was shattered as the march moved over a three-mile route. The plan included walking down the steep horse-shoe at Southway, which led into the Lone Moor Road, winding down Stanley's Walk along the old gas yard wall leading into the Lecky Road, followed by a climb up Westland Street, along Laburnum Terrace, Malborough Terrace and down to the Creggan Street roundabout which was the start of William Street and the last few hundred yards.

Traditionally people gathered at street corners waiting for the march to come along, and before too long it was growing steadily until the slow-moving human throng was being estimated by the press at around 27,000. At the bottom of each hill people looked up at the large numbers in front of them, and on the crest of each hill they looked back to comment on the larger numbers behind. In front as always were the Civil Rights Association banners, this time flanked by younger participants who carried placards bearing the names of the Derry internees, some of whom were their brothers, fathers, uncles or cousins.

Re-Routed

As the massive parade reached the William Street and Rossville Street junction, the lorry carrying senior civil rights officials turned right, into Rossville Street, but a small section of the crowd continued on down William Street until it came up against an army barrier of vehicles at the old City Cinema site. Some stayed to throw stones, bottles and pieces of wood at the well protected troops, but the confrontation never reached serious proportions and the protesters had no chance of breaking through into Guildhall Square.

The throwing of missiles was mere symbolism for the militant youth, and such in fact was a minor incident compared with some of the earlier confrontations that occurred in the same vicinity, when no civil rights stewards were on hand to insist on non-violent protest. A female steward was led away bleeding from a head wound after being hit by a stone. An army water cannon then moved up to their barrier and sprayed the demonstrators with purple dye.

The crowd scattered into Chamberlain Street and other entrances to the Bogside. The majority of the marchers had by now moved to Free Derry Corner. The Paras, supported by Saracens, moved into Rossville Street on what, according to an army spokesman later, was an arrest and search operation. The Saracens roared into the car park at the high flats (now demolished ) as the stragglers in the crowd fled in various directions.

Gas and Bullets

Meanwhile at Free Derry Corner attempts were being made to get the anti-internment meeting, formerly scheduled for Guildhall Square, under way. The meeting was just about to commence, with Lord Fenner Brockway, MP, and other speakers on the platform. Over the Bogside the CS gas was drifting, amid the thud of rubber bullets, salvoes of them. This sound was broken by the sharper cracks of live rounds, whining viciously on their death-dealing way.

The immediate reaction of the people at the meeting was to dive full-length on the ground, as a number of rounds hit the wall of Free Derry Corner, directly above the speakers' heads. For minutes the firing continued amid screaming and great confusion. Then came a blessed lull. People got to their feet and made for St. Columb's Wells. But again, within a few seconds, people hit the ground as more bullets whined about. Eventually many, bent double, got into the comparative safety of 'The Wells'.

Further down the street, at the Rossville Flats, Glenfada Park, and at the rubble barricade opposite the entrance to the high flats and other open spaces, people were being hit by British sniper fire from high velocity weapons. To the crowd at Free Derry Corner, the stark, stunning realisation of what had really happened began to sink in. Four men came into The Wells carrying another man, wounded in the back as he ran for cover, his face grey and grimacing with the pain. He was put into a car and rushed immediately to the hospital. Then more wounded were carried in. Immediately cars appeared to take them away for urgent medical attention. Five wounded were taken away in the space of a few minutes. Other cars came racing along into The Wells, none of them stopping, as they made their way to Altnagelvin Hospital, near the city outskirts on the east bank of the River Foyle. Some were already dead before they reached the hospital complex.

Butchery

But the full horror of the day's tragic events was happening in the neighbourhood of the high flats. As the Saracens and paratroopers stormed into the area - shooting as they came, according to eye-witnesses - the crowd scattered in all directions. It was then, as people sought shelter that most of the killings took place. Priests and members of the Knights of Malta (first aid organisation) moved about the area attending the wounded or administering the Last Rites while British bullets whistled around them. Sporadic firing continued to echo around the courtyards as the injured were lifted into cars and ambulances. In Rossville Street several bodies lay covered with blankets as Fr. Edward Daly ( later appointed Bishop of Derry ) waving a large white handkerchief in the air, led stretcher-bearers across the street to the waiting ambulances or pushed through British cordons while their guns still smoked. His acts of mercy, and those of his brave helpers, were beamed across the world by TV camera crews, thus captured for posterity.

Within hours of the butchery, a silent, shuttered Derry mourned its dead. Factories, shops, stores, banks and offices all closed down, as happened in other parts of Ireland, as a nation participated in mute but eloquent protest. Thinner than usual traffic moved down streets peopled only at occasional corners by heavily-armed, jumpily alert, British soldiers. It seemed that almost the whole population had voluntarily vacated the open air to grieve in private yet community-wide sorrow. But beneath the calm exterior, resentment, anger, revulsion and shock blended in a population still stunned by the enormity of the city's disaster. Beneath and behind it all there was a determination that the British army of occupation had long outstayed its 'welcome' and that the nationalist majority were determined to work for the speedy removal of the troops, initially from the streets of Derry's west bank, and eventually from the whole of Ireland.

The Skies Wept

On the day of the funerals, Wednesday Ferbuary 2nd, nationalist Ireland was united in grief. St. Mary's Church in the Creggan estate was the centre of world attention for the poignant hour while Derry buried its dead. Church and state, priests and politicians joined in a unique ceremony which expressed the emotion of a sorrowing nation. From North and South, from East and West they came, the mourning tens of thousands, to honour the dead, to comfort the bereaved, to pledge by their living presence a humane response to another horrible tragedy in Ireland's long history of imperialist conquest.

There were few dry eyes among the congregation. Outside the thronging thousands ignored the bitter cold, and in the driving rain it seemed that even the skies wept, and the heavens could not hold back its tears.


+ The Bloody Sunday Dead +

MICHAEL KELLY (17) an apprentice electrician employed at Maydown Industrial Estate. He resided at 9 Dunmore Gardens, Creggan.

JOHN YOUNG (17) resided at Westway, Creggan. He was a salesmen and was the youngest of a family of six.

HUGH GILMOUR (17) resided at Garvan Place, in the Bogside.

KEVIN McELHINNEY (17) a grocery assistant of 44 Philip St. was one of a family of five.

GERALD DONAGHY (17) resided at Meenan Square in the Bogside. A Fianna Eireann scout. He was the youngest to die that day. Shot alongside the last named on this list.

JACK DUDDY (17) resided at Central Drive in the Creggan Estate. He was a weaver in Thomas French's factory at Springtown Industrial Estate. He was one of a family of fifteen.

WILLIAM NASH (19) resided at Dunree Gardens, Creggan. A dock worker and a member of a famous boxing family.

MICHAEL McDAID (21) was a bar man who resided at Tyrconnell Street in the Bogside.

JAMES JOSEPH WRAY (23) resided at Drumcliff Avenue, in the Bogside, had worked at Lec Refrigerators.

WILLIAM McKINNEY (27) resided at 62 Westway, Creggan. He was the eldest of a family of ten. Employed as a printer with the Derry Journal newspaper.

GERARD McKINNEY resided at Knockdarra House, Waterside, was the father of eight children, the youngest, a baby boy, born on February 7th 1972.

PATRICK DOHERTY (30) of Hamilton Street, Brandywell, who for six years before he died was engaged in construction work with the American company Du Pont, at Maydown Industrial Estate.

BERNARD McGUIGAN (41) resided at 20 Iniscarn Crescent, Creggan. An ex-foreman in the BSR, a light-engineering factory. He was the father of six.

JOHN JOHNSON resided at Marlborough Street. He died on June 16th 1972. He was the first to be shot on Bloody Sunday near the centre of William Street.







EYE-WITNESS ACCOUNTS

TWO DAYS after the slaughter of thirteen innocent civil rights demonstrators, eight of the wounded, all Derry people, spoke to the world from their hospital beds. All eight unanimously denied a British army claim that two of the men in hospital had admitted that they were carrying arms on that Sunday.

Alexander Nash, aged 52, of 38 Dunree Gardens, who saw his son William shot dead, told how he himself got his arm and body wounds. He said:

"I saw the troops throw three bodies into a Saracen like pigs. I went to where my son was lying on the ground and raised my arms. I was shot as I moved across."

Joseph Friel, aged 20 of Donagh Place said he was in Meenan Park:

"While lying there I was told that several people were dead and I cried. I thought at first I was hit by a plastic bullet. I think my life was saved by a bullet deflecting from a zip fastener. After I was shot I was taken into a house. I never lost consciousness, but I thought I was going to die. The army shot indiscriminately. I suppose I will lose my job for talking to the press because I work for the Queen in the Tax Office, but after what happened in Derry I don't care. I want the truth to be known."

Mr. Friel was shot in the chest.

Michael Bridge, aged 25, of 10 Termore Gardens, said he was at the back of Rossville Street flats. When he heard shots, he and other men rushed out to see what was happening. Troops were shooting. A priest was kneeling over a man who had been shot:

"As I went forward troops fired several shots. I think they were trying to shoot the priest, who I think was Fr. Daly."

Patrick Campbell, aged 53, of 4 Carrickreagh Gardens, who was shot in the back, said he was shot while running away in Rossville Street. The soldiers were firing indiscriminately. Michael Bradley, aged 22, of Rinmore Drive, who was shot in the back said:

"It was just an ambush. Troops were firing all around."

Mr. Bradley said that he did not see anyone firing at the troops. He admitted that they threw stones at the troops in William Street after the troops opened fire.


Patrick O'Donnell, aged 40, a foreman asphalt spreader, of 10 Rathowen Drive, said he was hot when he went to the aid of a woman he thought a soldier was aiming at. He tried to pull the woman down, and fell himself, in the hope that he would be safe but he felt a pain and knew he had been shot in the shoulder. Mr. O'Donnell said that he was subsequently manhandled by troops and he showed two cuts on his head received when he was batoned. The troops took him into William Street from Rossville Street, but there an officer said: "Leave the man alone. He is hurt." The same officer told the soldiers to let him go and after being taken home in a taxi he was subsequently taken to Altnagelvin Hospital by his own doctor. He saw nobody shooting at soldiers.

Patrick McDaid, aged 24, of Dunaff Gardens, said he heard everyone shouting "the soldiers are coming !" He saw a couple of young fellows coming round the corner carrying a woman who was wounded. Then he heard people shout:

"They are shooting everyone !" I ran too, and at the corner of Rossville Street I bend down to dive low. As I did something hit me in the shoulder and back. If I hadn't bent down, I would have been hit in the head."

The names of others wounded on Bloody Sunday were released by Altnagelvin Hospital on January 31st. These included: Joseph Mahon, aged 16, Rathkeale Way, whose condition was stated to be ill; Alana Burke, aged 19, of Bishop Street, satisfactory; Margaret Deery, aged 37, Swilly Gardens, satisfactory.

A list of the wounded appeared in a shop window in the Bogside. Other names included on this list were: Mr M. Quinn, Marlborough Street, Johnny Johnson (who later died of his wounds), Marlborough Street; Mr Campbell, Carrickreagh gardens; Mr D. Donaghy, Rinmore Drive; Mr McDaid, address not known, and Ann Richmond of Swilly Gardens.

Rev. Fr. Edward Daly, Catholic Curate, St. Eugene's Cathedral, told journalists:

"The British army should hang its head in shame after today's disgusting violence. They shot indiscriminately and everywhere around them without any provocation. It appears as though the paratroopers were under orders to move in and shoot away at anyone. A 16 year-old boy was shot beside me, and others were badly injured by the firing. I crawled to him and gave him the Last Rites for there was no hope of saving his life. The quicker the British army get out of the Six Counties after today's violence, the better for everyone concerned. It is the only way to achieve peace. there has been a terrible amount of blood, and no public relations job by the British army will cover this up. I intend to protest to the highest people in the strongest way possible."

Eddie McAteer, president of the Irish Nationalist Party, and Official Opposition leaders in the Stormont Parliament said:

"It was a massacre. The troops opened fire as Miss Devlin picked up the microphone to address the huge crowd at Free Derry Corner."

Bernadette Devlin, former Westminster MP said:

"Let nobody say the British army fired in retaliation".

Mr Finnbarr O'Kane, civil rights leader stated:

"Lord Brockway was on the platform waiting to address the crowd, when a bullet hit a wall nearby. People didn't realise what it was at first, but more shooting started and everybody hit the ground. The shooting seemed to stop after a bit and everyone got up on all fours and started to crawl away. But it started again. I've never seen anything like it. Everybody was trying to crawl away, hitting walls and stumbling"

Signor Fulvio Grimaldi, a visiting Italian journalist reported:

"There hadn't been one shot fired at them. There hadn't been one petrol bomb thrown at them. There hadn't been one nail bomb thrown at them. They just jumped out, and with unbelievable murderous fury, shot into the fleeing crowd. I have travelled in many countries. I have seen many civil wars and revolutions and wars. I have never see such a cold-blooded murder, an organised disciplined murder, planned murder. I saw a young fellow who had been wounded, crouching against the wall. He was shouting, "Don't shoot, don't shoot!" A paratrooper approached him and shot him from about one yard. I saw a young boy of 15 protecting his girlfriend against a wall and then proceeding to try and rescue her by going out with a handkerchief and with the other hand on his hat. A paratrooper approached, shot him from about one yard into the stomach, and shot the girl into the arm. I saw a priest approaching a fallen boy in the middle of the square, trying to help him, give him the Late Rites perhaps - I saw a paratrooper kneel down and take aim at him and shoot at him, and the priest just got away by laying flat on his belly. I saw a French colleague of mine, who shouting "Press, Press!" and raising his arms, went into the middle to give help to a fallen person. I saw the para again kneeling and aiming at him, and it's only by a fantastic acrobatic jump that he got away."

The Italian journalist, almost lost for words, concluded:

"I myself got shot at five times. I was certain at one stage of being hit as I was taking photos through a window. I approached the window to get some pictures of what was happening, and five shots immediately went through the glass. I don't know how they missed. The mood of the people while this was going on ? It was panic, it was sheer despair, it was frustration. I saw people crying, old men crying, young boys who had lost their friends only a short while before crying and not understanding. There was astonishment. There was bewilderment, there was rage and frustration. It was unbelievable...."

The local Official Republican newspaper, The Starry Plough, in its editorial commented:

"Bloody Sunday was carried out with one objective. The British army of occupation decided coldly and deliberately to shoot the risen people off the streets. We were shot with our backs turned, in some cases, with our hands in the air as we went to rescue the wounded. We were killed on the barricades, in the courtyards and a few died God knows where. The vultures picked them up first. But the siege goes on. The 808 acres of Bogside, Brandywell and the Creggan remain free. Forty of the forty-two entrances to Free Derry remain barricaded. Sunday, Bloody Sunday, was a fine day and a foul day. It was a fine thing to swing down Southway, thousands of us singing, to pick up thousands more of our comrades at the Brandywell. And then to swell through the Bogside where it all began four years ago. Do you remember?....We asked them to ban the Corporation, and they said no, and then they banned it. We demanded houses and they said no, and then they built them. We demanded that Craig should go, and they said no, and then he went. We told the police to leave the Bogside and they said no - running all the way back to barracks. And when Sammy Devenny died, paying the price of it all, we thought it more that we could bear, but we did. Death was strange then. death is no stranger now, but the price is higher and no easier to bear. No one who died was a stranger to us. What impossible things did we demand this time ? That our internees be freed ? That we walk on our own streets, that the Stormont cesspool be cleaned up - even the SDLP couldn't bear the stink. For the least of these and the best of these, thirteen men were murdered last week. Let it be said of them with pride, they died on their feet and not on their knees. Let it not be said of us, they died in vain.

STAY FREE, BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
THERE'LL BE ANOTHER DAY !

The original British army version of events - as given in an official statement in the Commons by the Minister of Defence - was viewed by many as a tangle of lies. They claimed they opened fire after coming under attack from nail bombers and "a fusillade of fire of 50-80 shots from the area of Rossville and Glenfada flats". The international media were anxious to find proof in support of such accusations. No independent witness from among the scores of journalists and other observers - including pro-Unionist columnists - accepted the claim that the IRA was actively engaged on the day, and rejected the British establishment's contentions. When all was said and done, the British forces could not produce either the bullet or the bomb fragments.

The British forces claimed that "in all cases soldiers fired aimed shots at men identified as gunmen and bombers". Forensic tests on those killed failed to establish that any of the thirteen were in contact with any weapons: no weapons were found on those killed or rounded-up; no charges were brought against those wounded.

The British army further said that some of those shot were on their wanted list: this was later easily disproved. They said they shot three snipers in the flats, but all the casualties were at ground level. The British army stories had virtually no supporters outside the military establishment itself. Britain, however, had to save its face as best it could, especially in the United States, where there was then a considerable Irish lobby, which might be inclined to swing towards those engaged in the physical force and resistance movements in 'the old country'. So, after Bloody Sunday, the British government set up a 'Tribunal of Inquiry' -misnamed for it consisted of only one man, former army officer Lord Widgery. Subsequently, nationalist writers and spokespersons would refer to this inquiry, supposedly appointed to establish the truth, as 'the cover-up'.Even prominent British and other foreign journalists were to use the same descriptive term in their reportage.

Although Widgery's report was a whitewash and full of contradictions, it nevertheless contained some criticisms of the British army. But the British public was never to hear these criticisms because of the way the Ministry of Defence handled the press and the way the press, almost without exception, played along.

Simon Winchester, a British journalist with the Guardian who was present on Bloody Sunday and had personally narrowly escaped the Paras' bullets, writes in his book 'In Holy Terror':

"Widgery's conclusions were at astonishing variance with his own report; and the manner of the 'leaking' of the document itself was an appalling travesty of honesty, for which both the British press and the British government should feel ashamed".

In spite of his own evidence which showed among other things that large numbers of unaccounted-for rounds and 'unjustifiably dangerous' shots had been fired by the Paras, Widgery concluded by exonerating the army:

"There is no clear reason to suppose that the soldiers would have opened fire if they had not been fired upon first. Soldiers who identified armed gunmen fired upon them in accordance with the standing orders in the Yellow Card. There was no general breakdown in discipline".

Winchester describes what happened when the report was completed:

"The report itself was to be issued on the afternoon of Wednesday April 19th. In fact, the astute press officers of the Ministry of Defence telephoned the Defence Correspondents of the national newspapers the night before to 'leak' in highly selective terms the Lord's conclusions to be published the next day. No mention was made in the 'leak' of any "underestimate of the dangers" (involved in launching the Paras' operation), of any army gunfire that "bordered on the reckless" as Widgery remarked in Conclusion Number 8. Those who read their front pages on Wednesday morning would have had to have been very short-sighted indeed to have missed the results of the PR work. "Widgery Clears Army!" they shrieked in near unison; and a relieved British public read no more. Bloody Sunday, thanks to the propaganda merchants and a half a dozen lazy hacks, was now a closed book, with the Irish fully to blame."

Almost twenty-four years later another correspondent, Gerry Bradley of The Derry Journal, in its edition of November 10th 1995, under the headline, 'Widgery Memo Damns British', reported:

"Confidential minutes of a secret meeting between a former British Prime Minister and the man he appointed to carry out the inquiry into the Bloody Sunday killings will send shockwaves through the British establishment.

The Journal reveals today that former premier Edward Heath, told Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery, that he had to remember Britain was fighting "not only a military war but a propaganda war."

We have obtained a confidential top-level Government document outlining secret talks between the pair at 10 Downing Street the day after the British army slaughter of 14 civilians in Derry.

It provides strong new evidence that the Widgery inquiry was not independent.

The document proves for the first time that it was decided at the highest level to restrict the terms of reference of Widgery's inquiry.

During the secret meeting, The Lord Chief Justice admitted that he saw the tribunal merely as a "fact-finding exercise." The tribunal was to enquire into "what happened - not into the motive".

The Home Office memo - sent to just six high-ranking civil servants - also says: "It would help if the inquiry could be restricted to what actually happened in those few minutes when men were shot and killed; this would enable the tribunal to confine evidence to eye-witnesses."

Not Normal Practice

Widgery also broke from normal tribunal practice by sitting alone. he told Heath, according to the document, that he saw "no advantage in this case in having a tribunal of three" and would "prefer" to do it on his own.

Civilian witnesses were repeatedly referred to as "the other side" and the decision on whether to hold the tribunal in public or private was to be taken after consultation with the British army.

Says the document: "Perhaps the right course would be for the Lord Chief Justice to wait and see what the army proposed in this regard; they would, no doubt, put forward requests by counsel at the preliminary meeting of the tribunal to consider procedure".

On the location of the inquiry, which sat in Coleraine, Heath said: "It probably ought to be somewhere near Londonderry; but the Guildhall, which was the obvious place, might be on the wrong side of the river Foyle."

The Widgery Tribunal was published on April 18 and was immediately denounced as a whitewash by nationalist politicians throughout Ireland.

Widgery found that the soldiers had been fired on first and said there was no reason to suppose they would have opened fire otherwise. However, none of the dead or wounded was ever proven to have been shot while handling a firearm or bomb.

"No Comment"

Last night, Downing Street sources refused to comment on the matter, claiming they had not seen the document.

But the retired Bishop of Derry, Dr. Edward Daly, said the Home Office paper proved his worst fears - that it was never intended to find out why Bloody Sunday happened.

"I have always stated that Bloody Sunday was the first atrocity and the Widgery Tribunal was the second atrocity." said Bishop Daly.

"Clearly, this document shows that there was never any intention even to try to find out what happened."

Dr. Daly also called for the victims' relatives to be given an apology and called on the Government to publicly announce that those who died were innocent.

"I witnessed what happened on Bloody Sunday. The Inquiry's terms of reference were restricted and the reference to "not only a military war but a propaganda war" and the reference ti "the other side" is extremely worrying. I would have thought that the Lord Chief Justice would at least have seen all witnesses as having equal value."

Tony Doherty, whose father was one of those gunned down, said the document proved that the British Government and judiciary "actively colluded, at the highest levels, to prevent any vestige of truth from emerging from this so-called and balanced tribunal."

Said Mr. Doherty: "It is also clear that whatever conclusion was reached by Widgery himself, it was to be viewed - in the words of Ted Heath - in the context of 'not only a military war but also a propaganda war".

"It is evident that this meeting, held 24 hours after the slaughter on the streets of Derry, was set up to determine the terms of reference and the outcome of the yet-to-be established Tribunal of Inquiry.

"It also appears that this 'new' information is only the tip of the ice-berg. The British Government have at their disposal reams of information which they intend to keep closed for at least 74 years".

Mr. Doherty said the Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign would not now ask for any resignations and was not seeking an apology.

"British politicians simply do not resign over Irish affairs and the time for meaningful apologies has come and gone. An apology was always the least they could offer; even that has not come."

All of the foregoing reveals a great deal on how Britain's ruling elites treat, and have treated, and will continue to treat the Irish people while they remain in occupation in the north-eastern section of the country. Not a single soldier faced a charge of any kind. Lord Widgery's 'inquiry' exonerated the Paratroopers of any blame. If ever proof were needed the latter document (re-printed as Appendix 2), points up the extent of Britain's Dirty war in Ireland, particularly over this past quarter of a century. It shows that the conspiracy of silence indulged in over the period of the 'Long War' has been instigated at the highest levels of the British administration. Britain and its agents have used every means at their disposal, including its own legal system, misinformation and black propaganda, to prevent the international community from finding out about their murderous campaign in Ireland. The British Government must be put under the spotlight of scrutiny for the world to judge the prosecution of their dirty war in Ireland. While they may have swords in plenty the humble pen may yet prove to be mightier than their entire imperialist arsenal.


Well it was Sunday, Bloody Sunday
When they shot the people there
The cries of thirteen martyrs
Filled the Free Derry Air
Is there anyone amongst you
Dare to blame it on the kids ?
Not a soldier boy was bleeding
When they nailed the coffin lids !

Yes its always Bloody Sunday
In the concentration camps
Keep Falls Road free forever
From the bloody English hands
Repatriate to Britain
All of you who call it home
Leave Ireland for the Irish
Not for London or for Rome !
- John Lennon/Yoko Ono, February 1972 , LP, Some time in New York City, Apple Records.

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