Author:
Adam Baptiste
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Date Posted: 07:53:05 06/13/06 Tue
False perceptions of an inclusive society: A century of racism and hate in Canada Matthew Lauder 
Courtroom Art by Shirley Henderson  anada prides itself on being an inclusive and multicultural society, having some of the most progressive anti-hate legislation in the world, including extended sentencing for those convicted of a hate motivated crime and restrictions on the public incitement of hatred and contempt. In fact, Canada is the world's first official multicultural nation. Augie Fleras and E. D. Nelson note that, "Canada is often portrayed by outsiders as a paragon of virtue in harmonious management of race and ethnic relations."1 In addition, Hedy Fry, the Secretary of State for Multiculturalism, points out that Canada's multiculturalism policy ensures that it is an "inclusive and cohesive" society, noting that Canada's diversity is a source of national pride.2
However, the multiculturalism programmes and revised criminal code and human rights legislation has not altered the level of racism in Canada. Recent reports indicate that acts of racism and other forms of hate-based activities continue to increase. For example, Statistics Canada reports that more than 272,000 hate crimes occurred in 19993 and the Toronto Police Service indicates that hate crimes have occurred with greater frequency in recent years, with an 88% increase in incidents of hate crimes from 1993 to 1999.4 In addition, incidents of hate (such as assaults, vandalism, arson and threats of violence) have increased dramatically across Canada since the terrorist attacks in the United States on 11 September 2001. The concern is that, despite the government's dedication to eliminating hate and encouraging respect for diversity, many Canadians continue to think along racial lines and manifest hate and discrimination in a variety of forms. Defining Racism and Hate Racism is defined as a doctrine or ideology that, combined with behaviour, categorises groups as intellectually or morally inferior and therefore makes them a target of unequal treatment.5 The doctrine of racism is usually based on perceived physical or genetic characteristics that serve to classify groups as inferior.6 Therefore, racism is about maintaining power and control of one's own group over another. Hate, however, is slightly different. While it may be based upon race, it is generally thought of as a legal term (i.e. hate crime) that implies the behaviour of treating an individual or group in an unequal manner on the basis of race, religion, ethnicity, national origin, sexual orientation or any other identifiable category.7 Racism and Hate in Canada: 1900-1950 Although Canada is internationally renown for its racial and ethnic diversity, overt racism was commonplace in the early 20th century. Nelson and Fleras state, "antipathy towards others has pervaded much of Canada's post-Confederation history" and that "myths about our enlightened race relations record are deeply entrenched in our collective memories, but the truth remains that slavery and race riots, along with a variety of racist organisations such as the Ku Klux Klan, flourished at different times in Canadian History."8 In fact, Canada had highly restrictive immigration policies in the early 20th century that either excluded certain racial groups from entering or demanded the payment of a head tax as well as policies that limited the employment of visible minorities. Many scholars note that anti-Semitism was pervasive in Canada during the first half of the 20th century.9 Physical assaults of Eastern European Jews, exclusionary business and employment practices, and the stereotyping of Jews as a threat to Christian society were not uncommon during this period; and this hostility towards Jews only increased as the Depression worsened. The KKK was also very popular in the 1920s, with chapters in both urban centres and rural towns across Canada. In the early 1930s, Jews were the targets of intimidation and violence at a beach in Toronto by youths, some wearing the swastika, and a full-riot broke out in Christie Pits in Toronto when a largely Jewish baseball team played an Anglo-Saxon team. Adding to Jewish concerns was the development of fascist groups across Canada that included the Toronto Swastika Club, the Swastika Association of Canada, the National Social Christian Party, Deutsche Bund, and the Canadian Union of Fascists. The development of the fascist and National Socialist movement in Canada resulted in widespread and open discrimination of Jews.10 While many Canadians did not condone anti-Semitism during this period, many did not condemn it. This indifference to anti-Semitism is epitomised in the unwillingness of Canadians to challenge the government's refusal to permit Jewish refugees fleeing from Nazi persecution on the St. Louis to land in June 1939. A change in attitude did not occur until war was officially declared. 
Photo of the St. Louis.
Jews were not the only group to suffer widespread discrimination in Canada during this period; Asians were also the victims of exclusionary orders and discriminatory business practices. For the most part, Asian groups were only permitted to reside in Canada for labour-oriented positions (such as the building of railway lines) and were also subjected to a discriminatory head-tax. During the Second World War, Japanese-Canadians were labelled as "enemy aliens" and stripped of their rights, placed in internment camps, and had their property and businesses confiscated. Although the internments were meant to derail any attempt by the Japanese to establish a subversive movement in Canada, no evidence was ever found to substantiate the concern.11 Nelson and Fleras argue that the "suppression of basic human rights was caused by racist antipathy" and a lack of political leadership.12 It should also be noted that Chinese and Sikh immigrants were also victims of human rights violations during this period. Organised Racism and Hate in the Contemporary Period: 1960-2000 Although anti-Semitism declined slightly in the immediate post-war period, organised racist groups re-appeared in Canada in the 1960s.13 During this period, and likely mirroring the developments in extremist politics in the United States that included the appearance of George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party, there was a surge of far right activity in Canada. In addition, the appearance of anti-democratic and far right groups marks a period of change in the political and social climate in Canada towards public acceptance of rightwing radicalism. Peter Li notes: The persistence of racial supremacist groups in Canada has to be seen in a broader social context in that these groups in themselves cannot survive unless there are at least some public sympathy and endorsement for the racist ideas these groups stand for.14 In fact, Nelson and Fleras suggest that the "racism embedded in the wider society has provided an environment in which the radical right has been able to take root," noting that white nationalist groups represent a "more overt and extreme version" of latent racist impulses in society.15 Overview of the Contemporary Far Right Movement The Canadian Nazi Party was founded by John Beattie in 1965 and eventually disbanded in 1978. During this period, Beattie organised several neo-Nazi meetings in Toronto, one of which ended in a riot with protestors. After the Canadian Nazi Party disbanded, Beattie teamed up with John Ross Taylor (who led the Western Guard in the late 1970s) to form the short-lived anti-immigrant British People's League. A stalwart of the rightwing movement, Beattie also organised neo-Nazi gatherings in 1988 and 1989 on his property in Minden, Ontario. His second gathering, called "Save Our Canada Day Festival," attracted more than 200 racial activists from Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, and New York State and resulted in a large cross being burned in celebration of the Aryan race. Although the Canadian Nazi Party left its mark on the far right scene, the most significant racialist group to appear in Canada during the 1960s was the Edmunde Burke Society, a group self-described as a militant and conservative activist organisation.16 Established in 1967 by Paul Fromm, Leigh Smith, and Don Andrews, the group grew to more than 1000 members by the early 1970s and organised demonstrations against communist, Black, and radical leftwing groups in Toronto. Publicly, the Edmunde Burke Society denied any connection to racialism, stating that the group was created to fight communism and preserve democratic principles, but by the early 1970s the racialist undertones of the group became apparent as the leadership made many negative statements about Jews (effectively linking Jews with Bolshevism and the spread of communism). The Edmunde Burke Society also became hostile and regularly used violence to counter perceived non-Christian influences. 
Paul Fromm at a meeting held by the American Friends of the British National Party in Washington DC March 2000. Note: David Duke is sitting on the right.
In 1972, the Edmunde Burke Society changed its name to the Western Guard, signalling a change from anti-communism to a more radical and overt pro-Christian and racialist platform. As a result of the radicalisation, both Smith and Fromm left the organisation, deciding that the more extremist mandate was counterproductive given the current political and social climate in Canada. Under Andrews' leadership, the group focused its efforts on fighting Zionism, Jewish groups, and Black activists. From 1972 to 1976, the Western Guard developed a non-white immigration platform and identified itself as the protector of white, Christian civilisation: The Western Guard is dedicated to preserve and promote the basic social and spiritual values of White people. Under the symbol of the Celtic cross, we fight for our Christian moral values, our European heritage, and the spiritual and cultural rebirth of our people.17 However, the legal system finally caught up to the leader of the Western Guard. In 1976, Andrews was arrested in connection with a terrorist plot (he planned to detonate a bomb at a soccer match between Canada and the Israeli national team at University of Toronto's Varsity Stadium) and charged with attempted arson and the illegal possession of firearms and explosives. Soon after, the leadership of the Western Guard was handed over to John Ross Taylor and Andrews went on to form the Nationalist Party of Canada. Taylor, however, lacked Andrews' leadership skills and the Western Guard finally disbanded in 1983. After a series of setbacks, a number of members from the Nationalist Party of Canada decided to form their own group. Led by Wolfgang Droege, the Heritage Front came into existence on 25 September 1989 and went public in November at a meeting held by the Northern Foundation in Ottawa. Although the Heritage Front had many goals, including aspirations to gain political office, the primary purpose of the group was to unite the various far right organisations in Canada under a single banner to advance the cause of white nationalism. According to a report by the Security Intelligence Review Committee, the advancement of the nationalist movement under the Heritage Front included the plan to purchase land in rural Ontario in order to create a whites-only enclave.18 Between 1989 and 1994, the Heritage Front grew to more than 1800 members and held a number of public and semi-public meetings at which high profile racists (such as Tom and John Metzger of the US-based White Aryan Resistance) spoke to crowds of more than 200 supporters. The Heritage Front also organised a number of private celebrations, including an annual Martyr's Day rally commemorating the death of Robert Jay Matthews, the leader of The Order (a terrorist offshoot of the Aryan Nations). The Heritage Front also focused on recruiting new members from secondary schools and held a number of racist rock concerts to increase interest among young people. Conflict between the Heritage Front, anti-racist activists, and the police was not unusual in the early 1990s. One of the fiercest confrontations took place on 29 May 1993 in Ottawa after a large group of youth members, led by Droege and George Burdi, marched on Parliament Hill. Following impromptu speeches, the neo-Nazis attacked both anti-racist protestors and innocent bystanders. Similar incidents took place on a number of occasions in Toronto. In addition to street fights, a number of Heritage Front members were involved in assaults, drug trafficking, and armed robbery. For example, on 27 September 1993, two Heritage Front members, one armed with a sawed-off shotgun, robbed a coffee shop in Toronto. Apparently, the men grew tired of an overall lack of direct action to advance white nationalism and decided to take things into their own hands.19 After 12 years as leader, Droege finally retired from the far right movement in January 2001, leaving Marc Lemire, the web-master of the Freedomsite and close associate of Paul Fromm, in control of the Heritage Front. Although the Heritage Front continues to exist in a number of cities across Canada, the group is fraught with internal disputes and a lack of overall commitment and is on the verge of collapse. 
White power recruiting card used by the Canadian Ethnic Cleansing Team.
However, there are a number of other well-established white supremacist or extremist groups ready to assume the role as national leader. For example, the US-based National Alliance has established a foothold in Alberta and the Canada First Immigration Reform Committee and the Canadian Association for Free Expression has more than 2,500 members and regularly holds meetings across Canada. In addition, new racist organisations, such as the Canadian Heritage Alliance and the Canadian Ethnic Cleansing Team, have not only established a following across Canada (in less than a year of operation), but have also developed significant links to several US-based racist groups, indicating a capacity for networking and organisational expansion. The concern is that increasing levels of unemployment, combined with the anxiety that followed the September 11 terrorist attacks, will encourage more Canadians to seek out and join the far right movement. Quantitative Data: 1990-1995 While a number of incidents, as well as the presence of hate groups, has served create a level of public awareness about hate and racism, there is little quantitative data available. In fact, much of the research to date has either been in the form of qualitative analyses or theoretical works dealing with hate group activity, legislative alternatives, and general concepts of racism or discrimination. At present, Canada does not have a centralised reporting system for the collection of police reported statistics regarding hate incidents (as is legislated in the United States), rather statistics are reported (if they are reported at all) in a non-standardised fashion. However, recent reports from police agencies indicate that most hate crime perpetrators are young males between the ages of 18 and 29 and that most incidents occur in urban settings.20 A 1995 report by the Department of Justice estimates that there were more than 60,000 incidents of hate in Canada in 1994 and that, of the 1000 incidents reported by a select group of law enforcement agencies, 61% were directed at racial minorities.21 In addition, a national survey of Anti-Semitic incidents in Canada by the League for Human Rights in 1994 states that there were 146 reports in Toronto, 55 in Montreal, and 36 in Ottawa.22 Another study by the League for Human Rights indicates that, on a national level, there were 210 incidents of anti-Semitism in 1990, 251 in 1991, 196 in 1992, 256 in 1993, and 290 in 1994.23 In addition, the Ottawa Police Service reports that, in 1994, a total of 295 hate incidents were reported, and that 215 of the incidents were based on race.24 Hate Incidents: Post-September 11 Since 11 September 01, incidents of hate and race-based behaviour have increased dramatically, creating an environment of fear and uncertainty for Muslims and those of Middle-Eastern decent. Immediately following the attacks, Muslims in Canada were targeted for abuse. Jehad Aliweiwi, the executive director for the Canadian Arab Federation, stated, "We are seen as the enemy within
[and] are now in a state of siege," noting that Arab and Muslim communities feel as though they are now in a "sea of hate."25 
Hindu temple in Hamilton that was set on fire on the weekend following Sept 11.
The increase in hate incidents is dramatic and varied. For example, Hamilton-Wentworth police report that, between September 19 and November 19, a total of 71 incidents of hate were reported and included 7 assaults, 2 arsons, 13 cases of harassment, and 7 reports of hate-based graffiti. In comparison, a total of 59 incidents were reported in all of 2000, representing a 20% increase over the previous year's total in just two months. Similar hate motivated acts have occurred elsewhere in Canada, including vandalism to mosques in Oshawa, Waterloo, London, Montreal, and Halifax and mosques were firebombed in Montreal, St. Catherines, Burlington, and Mississauga. In a residential area of Guelph, vandals spray-painted "Killers" and "Go home" on a small mosque and, in Mississauga, four teens were charged with hate-motivated vandalism after they smashed windows at a Muslim community centre. Other incidents include a vicious attack on a young person in Ottawa by a group of white youths, an attack on a Middle-Eastern doctor in Montreal, and a hate group member in London charged with making death threats and counselling to commit murder. A recent study by the Council on American-Islamic Relations Canada indicates that hate incidents are definitely on the rise. From September 11 to November 15, the CAIRC has received a total of 110 reports including 12 attacks on mosques across Canada.26 Naeem Siddiqi, the director of communications for the Canadian Muslim Civil Liberties Association points out that the study only contains "written harassment reports" and that the "true extent of the backlash is significantly higher." Muslims and Arabs, however, are not the only groups to be targeted; in fact, Jews, Hindus, and Sikhs have also become targets of hate. In October, more than a dozen Jewish groups and leaders in Ontario and Quebec received a threatening letter that alluded to anthrax and contained a white powder. Although tests indicate that the powder was non-lethal, it did result in several buildings being evacuated. One of the investigating officers indicated that the letters originated from an extremist group based in the Waterloo area. Moreover, a Hindu Temple in Hamilton was firebombed on the weekend following the terrorist attacks, causing more than $600,000 in damage. Police believe that the perpetrators mistook the building for a mosque. September 11 and the Canadian Far Right The heightened fear, insecurity, and xenophobia have encouraged many Canadians to seek out the far right for guidance and protection. In a recent article in Maclean's Magazine, Paul Fromm notes the terrorist attacks have sensitised people and that "there is a real interest" in extreme immigration reform, including a 5 year moratorium on all immigration to Canada.27 The heightened fear has also served to justify the radical right's immigration reform agenda. For example, a recent statement by CFIRC argues that a five-year moratorium on all immigration is necessary in order to "weed out the terrorists," identifying Muslim, Sikh, and Tamil communities as the areas of greatest concern.28 The statement also urges the government to repeal the policy of multiculturalism, arguing that "Canada is a democracy, Christian in its roots, British in its political traditions and European in its culture [and that] only people who can fit in and pledge allegiance to this Dominion with these characteristics should be welcome."29 The article ends of with: "Let is show Moslems of all stripes that we don't wish to meddle in their world but, by God, they'd better not meddle in ours!"30 In other words, reformist agenda seeks to restrict immigration to Christian Europeans. The use of fear-mongering tactics by the radical rightwing is not new. In 1999, the radical right used massive influx of Chinese migrants to gain mainstream publicity and market a subtle racist message. Harry Abrams notes that the issue of Chinese migrants was used to piggyback a broader xenophobic message. 31 Likewise, Li argues, that racial extremist groups "are effective in providing the means and the rationale for disgruntled and marginalized individuals to divert their hostilities and blames to racial minorities for what they see as 'paradise lost.'32 Karen Mock, the executive director of the Canadian Race Relations Foundation, notes that increased economic insecurity and anxiety can lead to the use of immigrants of visible minorities as scapegoats, noting that "a recessionary climate leads people to scapegoat others for their problems, and in that kind of climate there is a backlash against immigration and racial minorities."33 Other far right groups, such as the Canadian Ethnic Cleansing Team, the Canadian Heritage Alliance, and the National Alliance, have also capitalised on latent expressions of xenophobia to gain a broad audience and increase membership. Media Misconceptions About the Backlash While reports indicate that hate-motivated acts have increased, some mainstream writers question the extent of the backlash. For example, Christie Blatchford, of the National Post, argues that a backlash against Muslims has simply not happened, noting that, "only a handful of serious so-called 'hate' incidents" have occurred. Similarly, Lorrie Goldstein, of the Toronto Sun, points out that Canada is punishing itself for the "few unconscionable but isolated and widely condemned attacks on innocent Muslim/Arab Canadians and others in the wake of Sept. 11." In other words, the critics suggest that the increase in hate incidents, and the ensuing impact on society, has been negligible. However, the critics do a tremendous disservice. By focusing on the number of hate incidents rather than the act, the critics neglect to comprehend the true impact of hate on both the individual and the community. Hate crimes are not victimless crimes or acts of convenience; rather they are highly personal attacks based on fundamental human characteristics (race, ethnicity, religious affiliation, etc.) that provide an individual's sense of being and can inflict profound psychological damage. In addition, by creating an environment of fear and intimidation, hate crimes undermine the foundations of democracy and multiculturalism. Summary Although the Canadian government is committed to eradicating inequalities and all forms of hate, immigrants and visible minorities continue to be the targets of discrimination. Nelson and Fleras note that, "there is amble evidence that discrimination is a pervasive and persistent feature of Canadian society, even though this truth may be at odds with out collective self-image as a tolerant and generous people."34 In fact, manifestations of hate continued unabated throughout the 20th century in a variety forms, including attacks by seemingly average Canadians, systemic discrimination of immigrants by the government, and the use of religious and racial groups as scapegoats by extremist groups. The problem in Canada is not that the government has neglected to take the appropriate steps to eliminate hate and encourage multiculturalism, but rather that many Canadians remain apathetic about the issues of racism and discrimination; and that this inaction creates an environment were hate can flourish.
Footnotes 1E.D. Nelson and Augie Fleras, Social Problems in Canada: Issues and Challenges (Scarborough: Prentice Hall, 1995).
2H. Fry, "Message from the Secretary of State (Multiculturalism)," online: (date accessed: 30 November 2001).
3Statistics Canada, Hate Crime in Canada: An Overview of Issues and Data Sources (Ottawa: Ministry of Industry, 2001), 25.
4In 1993, a total of 155 hate-motivated incidents were reported. In 1999, that total climbed to 292. "1999 Hate Bias Crime Statistical Report," on-line: Toronto Police Service (date accessed: 30 November 2001).
5E.D. Nelson and Augie Fleras, 251.
6Dinseh D'Souza, The End of Racism: Principles for a Multicultural Society (New York: The Free Press).
7In Canada, the relevant sections of the criminal code are S. 318 (Advocating Genocide), S. 319 (Public Incitement of Hatred), and S. 718 (extended sentencing) and sections of the Canadian Human Rights Act are Sections 12 (Publication of Discriminatory Notices) and Section 13 (Hate Messages).
8E.D. Nelson and Augie Fleras.
9Alan Davies (ed), Antisemitism in Canada: History and Interpretation (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press).
10Although the Canadian government banned the fascist groups during the Second World War and interned its leadership, the groups re-appeared in the early 1960s and continue to exist today in a variety of forms.
11 The federal government finally offered a formal apology to Japanese-Canadians on 22 September 1988 and provided a compensation package totalling $291.
12 Nelson and Fleras, 265.
13 Stanley Barrett, "Fascism in Canada," Contemporary Crisis 8 (1984): 345-377.
14 P.S. Li, "Racial Supremacism under Social Democracy," Canadian Ethnic Studies, XXVII, No. 1 (1995): 1-17.
15 E.D. Nelson and Augie Fleras, 325.
16 Stanley Barrett, 60.
17 From the Western Guard's newsletter, Straight Talk. Cited in Stanley Barrett, Is God a Racist? The Far Right in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 85.
18 Security Intelligence Review Committee, The Heritage Front Affair: Report to the Solicitor General (Ottawa: SIRC, December 9, 1994), 12.
19 Bill Dunphy, "Why white racist cells fail in Canada," The Hamilton Spectator, 14 October 1999.
20 Statistics Canada, Hate Crime in Canada: An Overview of Issues and Data Sources (Ottawa: Ministry of Industry, 2001), 11.
21 Statistics Canada, 8.
22 "Anti-Semitic Incidents in Canada: Principle Cities Affected, 1994," on-line: NIZKOR Project homepage (date accessed: 5 December 01).
23 "Anti-Semitic Incidents, Canada 1982-1994," on-line: NIZKOR Project homepage (date accessed: 5 December 01).
24 "Hate Crimes in Ottawa: Target Categories" on-line: NIZKOR Project homepage (date accessed: 5 December 01).
25 Alanna Mitchell, "Arab Canadians Duck to Avoid Harassment," The Globe and Mail, 14 September 01.
26 "Interim Report Card on Anti-Muslim Hate, September 11th, 2001 through November 15th, 2001," on-line: CAIRCAN Homepage: (date accessed: 5 December 2001).
27 Will Gibson, "The Far-right Fallout," Macleans Magazine, 3 December 2001.
28 "A Canada First Blueprint for Dealing with Terrorism," on-line: Freedomsite Homepage http://www.freedomsite.org/pipermail/fs_announce/2001/000663.html (date accessed: 1 December 2001).
29 "A Canada First Blueprint for Dealing with Terrorism," on-line: Freedomsite Homepage http://www.freedomsite.org/pipermail/fs_announce/2001/000663.html (date accessed: 1 December 2001).
30 "A Canada First Blueprint for Dealing with Terrorism," on-line: Freedomsite Homepage http://www.freedomsite.org/pipermail/fs_announce/2001/000663.html(date accessed: 1 December 2001).
31 John Gray, "Far Right Using Web to Whip Up Hostility to Chinese Migrants," The Globe and Mail, 30 August 1999.
32 P.S. Li, "Racial Supremacism under Social Democracy," Canadian Ethnic Studies, XXVII, No. 1 (1995): 1-17.
33 Karen Mock addressed an audience at the University of Waterloo on 22 November 01 about racism in Canada. Terry Pender, "Racism on Rise, UW Audience Told," The K-W Record, 23 November 01.
34 E.D. Nelson and Augie Fleras, 248.
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DON BLACK
by TheDominican.net Newsdesk
Droege who once led the neo-Nazi Heritage Front was found dead after police responded to complaints of gunshots at a Scarborough apartment building Wednesday afternoon.
Duke initially involved Don Andrews but after Purdue changed the target island to Dominica, Andrews bailed out. Andrews however put Purdue in contact with Klansmen Arnie Polli and Roger Dermee who were paid US$3,000 to visit Dominica to obtain preliminary reconnaissance.
To make matters worse, Mcquirter contacted a reporter from CFTR radio (Toronto) in March 1981 and informed him of the coup. McQuirter's intention was to capitalize on the ensuing media coverage, thus building his public image. Suffering an ethical dilemma between an exclusive-story or allowing many people to die, the reporter, apparently against the direction of his superior at CFTR, eventually contacted the OPP.
It turns out that Mel Gibson might have actually been right about one thing in his drunken, anti-Semitic rant: His life does appear to be "f***ked."
TMZ has learned that Mel Gibson went on a rampage when he was arrested Friday on suspicion of drunk driving, hurling religious epithets. TMZ has also learned that the Los Angeles County Sheriff's department had the initial report doctored to keep the real story under wraps.
TMZ has learned Mel Gibson has hired a prominent law firm to represent him in connection with his arrest in Malibu last Friday.
LOS ANGELES (AP) -- Mel Gibson says there's "no excuse" and there should be "no tolerance" for "anyone who thinks or expresses any kind of anti-Semitic remark." 
One of the interesting things about the industry's reaction to Mel Gibson's PR nightmare is that it highlights exactly how far outside Hollywood the actor been gone in recent years, and how comfortable he is being a pariah.
TMZ has learned the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department has sent the L.A. County District Attorney the Mel Gibson case for review. The D.A. will decide whether to file driving under the influence charges, a misdemeanor, against Gibson.
ARLINGTON, Va. Seeking donations from an audience sympathetic to his view that too many federal policies favor blacks, Jews and other minorities over whites,