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Date Posted: 08:27:44 11/11/07 Sun
Author: part 3
Subject: Re: November 10, 2007
In reply to: part 2 's message, "Re: November 10, 2007" on 08:23:57 11/11/07 Sun

{Bye-Bye Pelosi:}
LAROUCHE REPUBLICANS
---------------------------------------------------
{In U.S. national electoral politics, the reaction resulting
from the morally corrupting influence of "Lockean" Anglo-Dutch
Liberalism, has been a prevalent, populist tendency, a tendency
expressed more often as a proclivity to vote against whom, or
what one does not like, than for any clear conception of an
actually affirmative policy in the tradition of the
Peace-of-Westphalia (Leibniz), or its relevant precedents, the I
Corinthians 13 or Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa's De Pace Fidei.
As Edward Arlington Robinson wrote in his vulgar "Miniver
Cheevy," there are "reasons," more frankly identified as cultural
decadence, the decadence, like that of the Horatio Alger stories,
for the early Twentieth-Century, Teddy Roosevelt-Wilson
expression of a legacy of self-crippling populist habits of mind.
These have become habits whose echoes find their expression in
the behavior of largely unwitting victims within a large fraction
of our population, still today.[fn1]
Therefore, it is time, today, to remind ourselves of the
"Reagan Democrats" wave of the 1980 Presidential election.
If--and that is still a matter of "if," the entire world system
has not collapsed by some time during early 2008, or even before
this Christmas, the present signs are, that there will come,
hopefully, a specific kind of strong political wave of change for
the better, in the internal composition of the U.S.A.'s famous
"two-party system."} {In 1980, this quality of turn in political
trends was to be seen in Reagan Democrats streaming away, if
briefly, from the perceived wreckage of a nation which had been
ruined by the justly hated influence of the Trilateral Commission
on the Carter Administration.
Today, if the U.S.A. outlives the ruin brought on by the
justly and bitterly hated, joint, converging efforts of Cheney
Republicans and their fellow-travelling Gore-Lieberman Democrats
of George W. Bush administration, there will be newly-born
Roosevelt Republicans, like those in President Franklin
Roosevelt's time, streaming into leading positions within the
ranks of a new Democratic Presidential administration.
If the happier of the alternatives posed by the present
situation emerges, watch for those indicative Republican figures
who tend to move to the head of the line in this process. These
Republicans might come to be described by experts, fairly, as
"LaRouche Democrats," not because they are actually my personal
"followers," but because they would be recognized as Republican
supporters of, hopefully, a great and enduring economic and moral
recovery, that in the Franklin Roosevelt tradition, effected by
the adoption of the economic-recovery policies which I have
presently crafted for this purpose.}
----------------------------------------------------
The most recent, alarming developments in financial and
related markets through November 7th, show that a general
breakdown of the U.S. and western European financial system has
already occurred. Up to the end of the preceding week, the
financial situation inside the U.S.A. was like a planet headed
toward a {threatened} breakup into asteroids. Things change. By
Wednesday of this passing week, those developments have shown us
a financial-monetary "planet" which had now been broken up; and,
which was to be seen as the fragments, like asteroids, now
careening toward whatever their respective future orbits might
become.
The U.S.A., in particular, has entered a clinically critical
condition, in which the only remedy is, as a first step, the
immediate adoption, by law, of the partial "firewall" established
by emergency adoption of the Homeowners and Bank Protection Act
of 2007 (HBPA). That act would halt the immediate crash; it would
not save the presently fragmenting financial system, but it would
halt the presently onrushing breakdown of the present U.S.
financial-monetary system, and would give government a timely
margin of opportunity for not only halting the present,
precipitous collapse of the U.S. Dollar, but putting into place
the foundations for a new, needed, permanent and prosperous
alternative.
It must be emphasized, however, that although the fall of
the dollar is the immediate issue; that does not mean that the
relevant, drooling predator, the British system, will take over;
the British economy itself is in far worse condition than that of
the U.S., while the situation of the already ruined and looted
nations of western and central continental Europe, is already
worse than disastrous. A collapse of the U.S. dollar would mean a
global chain-reaction collapse reverberating throughout both the
Americas and western and central Europe, into leading Asian
economies which depend, by a large and existentially critical
margin, on the now collapsing trans-Atlantic markets . Without a
recovery, and ensuing reform of the U.S. dollar, the world as a
whole is gripped by an accelerating slide into a planetary "new
dark age."
Therefore, unless the U.S. acts now, as by emergency
measures such as the HBPA, the presently fall of the dollar will
have an immediate consequence comparable, and that on a global
scale, to the way in which the Fourteenth-Century bankruptcy of
the Lombard banking house of Bardi triggered the plunge of all of
Europe into a "New Dark Age" which wiped out one-third of the
previous level of population of those regions.
As anyone in leading circles but a fool could now plainly
see, the presently claimed, nominal monetary and financial assets
of the present world system, are largely faked, and that in a way
which now, more and more closely, resembles the state specific to
the case of hyperinflation in the Weimar Republic of Germany
during the second half of 1923.
The significant, essential difference between the situation
in Germany then, and that of the U.S.A. and Europe now, is
twofold:
a.) That the 1923 collapse of the Reichsmark was an intended
product of the fraudulent argument of the lying U.S. Secretary of
State Lansing in the relevant Versailles proceedings. The
conditions of looting thus imposed upon defeated and occupied
Germany, on this pretest proffered by Wilson's Lansing, unleashed
a hyperinflationary process specific to Weimar Germany, a
continuing process which blew up in the late 1923 phase of an
intrinsically hyperinflationary process. Through mechanisms
leading into the 1931 formation of the Basel Bank for
International Settlements (BIS) of Hjalmar Schacht et al.,
Germany's financial-industrial power was taken over by. chiefly,
Anglo-American interests, such as Hitler backer Montagu Norman's
London and New York Brown Brother Harriman, using this takeover
of Germany by BIS-related and like-minded circles, as the means
to create what the Bank of England had intended to become the
Adolf Hitler dictatorship. This was the dictatorship installed by
British asset Hermann Goering, through his organizing of the
"9-11"-like Reichstag fire of February 1933: virtually days prior
to U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt's entry into office, at a
time when the future World War II was, therefore, already
virtually inevitable.
In time, the British, under President Roosevelt's helpful
role in bringing this change about, abandoned the Hitler cause,
and therefore dumped Edward VIII; but, under U.S. President Harry
Truman, that change of heart by London was soon shown to have
been temporary in respect to broader, long-term essentials.
b.) The wake of the untimely death of President Franklin
Roosevelt was employed as the opportunity to launch a shamelessly
open avowal of long-range movement for a scheme of international
fascism, a movement associated with the initiatives and
intentions of the actual, original authors of general nuclear
warfare, Bertrand Russell and the H.G. Wells who had laid out the
general plan for world empire in his 1928 The Open Conspiracy and
the explicitly fascist, "futurologist" design of his 1933
"world-war plan" for The Shape of Things to Come.[fn2] That is
also what is expressed now in the so-called "neo-conservative"
policies of the current Bush-Cheney administration, and, on the
Republican side, the Giuliani Presidential campaign perspectives
of today.
That was the same Russell-Churchill policy continued by both
Russell personally, and by the then recently deceased fascist
Wells, as the policies which Russell promoted, as for the
war-crime against Hiroshima, in the administration of President
Harry Truman. That is the long-ranging continuation of that
policy which has led through the assistance of the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy, through the long, wasting.
fraudulently composed (1954-1975) war in Indo-China, and the
long, also fraudulently composed, by Prime Minister Tony Blair
and Dick Cheney, wasting war in Southwest Asia today.
That bit of the history is key for understanding the tide of
collapse seen in the U.S.A. today. It is now a flood
tide--strategically, a virtual geopolitical Noah's Flood--on the
way to reaching shores and inland landscapes world-wide. Thus, as
I have just stated, the collapse will be roughly comparable, and
that very soon, to the immediate threat of something like the
mid-Fourteenth-Century chain-reaction collapse of the Lombard
banking system, a threatened collapse of civilization into an
historic "New Dark Age" of European civilization as a whole, and
beyond.
It is this immediate threat to global civilization which
must be recognized and remedied now.
These developments which that long wave has produced since
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, have now had the
effect of defining the urgent need for a sudden change in the
apparent agenda for the presently onrushing 2008 U.S.
Presidential campaign. It is time for some extraordinarily candid
observations about that campaign, breaking all currently
customary precedents.

- The Next President -
Since I am the head of a Political Action Committee
(LaRouche PAC), it is not within the bounds of my present
authority to endorse a named Presidential pre-candidate or
candidate, even were it myself. In my performance of that current
function within our republic's lawful political system, I have a
special responsibility for which there is no actual precedent in
the experience of our republic's recent Presidential nominations
and general elections. My function is to define the new, global
parameters within which any viable Presidential candidate for
election should be inspired, selected, and constrained.
Specifically, none of the presently leading contenders for
the Presidential nominations would actually be qualified to
become President, if they remained within the bounds of even
their own currently expressed, and essentially small-minded
conceptions and habits respecting policies and postures.
Therefore, the most optimistic outlook for the outcome of
the pending nominations and election is, as it was sometimes said
in the past, "that the way in which the duties of the job are
defined, will make the man (or woman)" who occupies the
Presidency, not the reverse. I do not exaggerate in the slightest
degree, when I say that none of the presently notable candidates
for nomination has shown any competence for initiating, or even
defining the kind of leadership which will be required under what
will become the conditions of the national and global life during
the months immediately before us. Happily, one or more among
these candidates might be capable of performing the job to be
done, but only if they adopt a perspective which none among them
has been capable of projecting thus far, today. Defining that
urgently needed perspective, is where my unique sort of special
duties, authority, and responsibilities now lie.
In certain past times, we as a nation have been fortunate in
the instances of leaders of rare qualities of genius, such as
Presidents Washington; Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton;
former Secretary of state and President John Quincy Adams;
Abraham Lincoln: and, Franklin Roosevelt: to have a Presidential
executive which would act as virtually a self-starter, to
establish the original framework within which urgently needed,
radical reforms could be enacted. In approximately comparable
other kinds of cases, of chief executives of companies or
governments, an actually mediocre quality of our chief executive
might come to be regarded, if somewhat curiously, as having been
a hero in office, because he or she had been given, not
accidentally, and has accepted the appropriate policy-framework
and opportunities to shape both his, or her decision-making.
In this present instance, my required role is to define that
necessary framework needed to transform an able elected executive
into the instrument, as President, used by our republic for a
successful implementation of the policy designed as the setting
for determining what President will decide to do. {This is to be
seen as the curative application of insight into the Classical
principle of tragedy, to the requirements of leadership of
imperilled nations and their governments.}[fn3]
{For example}: take the exemplary case of a question
presented to Presidential candidate Abraham Lincoln on one
occasion: would he be committed to repeal of slavery, or defense
of the union. He responded: {the union}.
Had he replied: {the repeal of slavery}, instead of
preserving the union, the United States would have been
destroyed, and slavery would have flourished more or less
permanently under the system of permanently quarreling tyrannies
into which the territory of the republic would have been divided.
In fact, he saved both the union and accomplished the intended
reforms of the Frederick Douglass who had shown how to fight for
freedom--until the betrayal of the cause of freedom in the
disastrously corrupt compromise of 1877.
Lincoln's choice was no blind stab. It had been the Boston,
Manhattan, and related Liberals who, as variously active or de
facto British agents in the Hartford Convention tradition, who
had promoted "Beecher's Bibles" and John Brown's raid, as
instruments of the operations under the direction of Britain's
Lord Palmerston, in seeking the permanent victory of slavery (and
destruction of our republic) by dividing the Union. Lincoln
understood, that to actually free the slaves, we must create and
deploy that instrument of our Federal Union which was needed to
bring that change about. Lincoln understood the duplicity of New
England's "American Tory" Liberals in this matter, and therefore
understood clearly why that lying Sophist's question had been
posed to him in Boston--as exactly the same Sophist's question
had been presented to me,{ from Boston(!)}, during an
internationally broadcast webcast in February 2006. Success in
hammering out the battles which would actually crush the
British-created institution of chattel slavery, was thus, one
might say, "Grant-ed."
President Franklin Roosevelt faced similar kinds of crucial
choices in priorities. In these exemplary historical cases, he
was consistently right, and what would be seen today, by some
misguided souls, as the obviously more popular choice of
response, would have led to disaster.

- The Role of Dynamics -
The difference in quality of policy-shaping which these
cases illustrate, is the difference between people, like myself,
who base their choices on viewing the whole political-social
process in (literally) {dynamic} terms (of the process as a
coherent whole), against those, like most prominent politicians
of today, who think, as the dupes of Beecher's Boston Liberals
had intended in posing their Sophist's question to Lincoln. Most
political figures today, even leading examples, think in
{mechanistic, percussive, Cartesian-like} terms of reference,
rather than actually, scientifically and politically competent,
{dynamic} ones.
To begin that discussion, take, as example of this problem,
today's illustrative case of Senator, and leading Democratic
presidential pre-candidate Hillary Clinton.
Senator Hillary Clinton, however bright and gutsy, is still,
even today so far, too much a representative of the world-outlook
of her "white collar" ("Baby Boomer") generation to be the
urgently needed new Franklin Roosevelt. We might hope for
improvements under political fire. Bill Clinton were a model for
a more likely prospect; this can be said today despite his actual
record as President, when he was a frequently a reluctant
prospect for playing that role as President, but, even in better
moments, not consistently, only from time to time. {What were
needed from among the successors of Benjamin Franklin, George
Washington, and Alexander Hamilton, or John Quincy Adams, Abraham
Lincoln, and Franklin Roosevelt himself, is a President, more
statesman than another ambitious politician, who will be willing
to serve as an instrument of a national strategy which none among
today's visible and likely prospects, himself, or herself, has
the needed outlook and temperament to design.}
In any attempted criticism of President William J. Clinton's
performance in office, we must emphasize the ostensibly
extenuating consideration, that he did not yet understand
adequately the nature of what were to be recognized today, as the
most important, subtler constraints placed upon his incumbency.
He was willing to become the leader of the needed revolution, but
not to actually bring about the kinds of changes without which
the crucially needed attempted changes could not be introduced.
He was still too much attached to the idea of "The Golden
Generation," to recognize that it was that generation's
new-Sophistry ideology, itself, which was the disease to be
cured, and, hopefully, stamped out.
Under those conditions, his 1966 pledge to support a Y 2000
Gore nomination for President was foreseeably disastrous.
The problem which encumbers the present generation's leading
Presidential pre-candidates (and relevant other figures), is a
reflection of the fact that that generation is typified by the
self-image set by the "white collar" class distilled from among a
particular stratum of those born, chiefly, between 1945 and 1958:
what became known a decade later, by such names as "the 68ers."
The paradigm to which this "white collar" generation was
subjected, is typified by the wildly existentialist hoax
expressed by the book known as The Authoritarian Personality of
Frankfurt School "left wing" fascists such as Theodor Adorno,
Hannah Arendt, and their associates, or Bertolt Brecht. That evil
book lies at the center of a new Sophistry, a Sophistry which
echoes the precedent of those Sophists of the Age of Pericles,
who destroyed the great civilization of Athens from the inside,
as through the U.S. Vietnam War-like Peloponnesian war, as
happened to us through the associated, recent, Vietnam-War-like,
Bush-Cheney war in Southwest Asia, wars which echoed the crime of
genocide which Athens had perpetrated against the people of
Melos.
The Sophist-like conditioning of the class of children, born
to "White Collar," "Organization Man" types of households of the
1945-1958 interval, who were conditioned to become the model for
the liberals who were to become typical of those harvested as the
riotous "68ers" of Europe and the Americas, the reigning social
class governing western and central Europe and North America (for
example) presently. These were not biological types, but
sociologically types in the tradition of those Sophists of
Pericles' Athens which had led Athens to its self-destruction in
a Peloponnesian War, a tragic history now recently imitated as
the 1964-1965 conflict in Indo-China and the currently
continuing, Trotskyist "permanent revolution and permanent
warfare" launched by Britain's lying Tony Blair administration
and its Cheney family lackeys.
It was chiefly through the rise of the "68ers" who reflected
that stratum within our population, that the Democratic Party was
then virtually destroyed as an agency qualified to govern our
republic. This role of the "68ers" under their reign of
sophistry, thus created the opening for the installation of the
Nixon administration and those brutish attempts at pro-fascist
revolution echoed by the present, fascist-like Bush-Cheney copy
of the Carl Schmitt model for a Hitler-like tyranny. Through the
brutal division between the "blue collar" and "Baby Boomer"
liberals, a division aided by the assassinations of the Reverend
Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy, the Democratic Party has
become virtually a decaying relic of its former self, since then,
up to the present time.
The case of that crucial act of of the Clinton-Gore
administration--the fatal support by Clinton for Gore 2000
Presidential nomination--which made the current Bush-Cheney
misgovernment possible, illustrates the proximate problem of the
presently oncoming general election. William J. Clinton is,
fairly incontestable, asa being probably the brightest President
we have had since Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy; when we trace
his learning-curve as President, he appears personally as most
capable among recent incumbents, far more capable today than when
he was still President. The Clinton administration's nastiest
encumbrance, Gore as Vice-President, repeatedly typified the
worst of the confining circumstances which repeatedly injured, or
even crippled the policy-shaping efforts and the also the
potential of the Clinton administration.
If hoaxster, and habitual Baby-Boomer, Gore is discounted,
the fact remains, that the reigning political culture which had
been established by the crucial changes in cultural paradigm
since the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, has become
the living national tragedy of the political squirrel-cage within
whose confines the Presidential system has been afforded
delimited permission to function according to its constitutional
intention; the problems inherent in a Gore-encumbered Clinton
administration, especially from mid-1966 on, illustrate this
danger most clearly.
All of the leading Presidential pre-candidates in view now,
are operating, so far, as willing exhibits in what is virtually a
race of competing virtual squirrel-cages in a carnival.
See my recently published "The Force of Tragedy," for a
summary of the relevant kinds of principles to be considered in
studying the best-known political tragedies of European
history.[fn4]

- Dynamics As Political Sociology -
{Dynamics}, known as {dynamis} to the Pythagoreans and
Platonics of ancient Classical Greece, and revived as {dynamics}
by Gottfried Leibniz, in 1692-1695, is also the foundation of all
competent modern European science, as this principle of physical
science was defined by Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, and such
followers of Cusa in science as Leonardo da Vinci, Johannes
Kepler, Fermat, Leibniz, Bernhard Riemann, Academician V.I.
Vernadsky, and Albert Einstein.[fn5] This principle of science,
and also of culture generally, is directly opposite to the
Anglo-Dutch Liberalism of Paolo Sarpi and such among his lackeys
and devotees as Galileo, Sir Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes, John
Locke, Bernard Mandeville, and their followers among the later
modern empiricists and virtually lunatic, neo-Cartesian,
positivist incompetents such as the wretched Bertrand Russell
devotees Nobert Wiener and John von Neumann.
The choice of the next U.S. President will be historically
crucial, and will largely determine whether or not our republic
survives. There is, presently, no running candidate who is
independently qualified, as a contender, to play that urgently
needed quality of role of leadership, in this time of crisis,
which President Franklin Roosevelt played in his. The best we can
expect of any available prospect for the nomination and election
of a new President, is one who will adopt and efficiently serve a
policy which he or she is not presently qualified, either
intellectually or emotionally, to design.
We must think of this matter in a way which virtually no
part of our republic's installed political leadership in party or
government has been considering thus far.
The key to understanding the general nature of this
challenge of {dynamics} has been treated in my recent "The Force
of Tragedy."[fn6] For our purposes here, it is therefore
sufficient that I limit my treatment of that subject here to the
subject of the comparable and interdependent roles which the
concept of {dynamics} in physical science as such shares with the
same notion of {dynamics} specific to social processes as
expressed in their effects in the large.

- Science and Politics -
Modern science since Bernhard Riemann, V.I. Vernadsky, and
Albert Einstein, has rejected all notions of physical space-time
which resemble that Sophist model of geometry associated with
either the Ptolemaic sophist known as Euclid, or the similarly
Sophist, reductionist, neo-Euclidean notion of floating objects
in infinite empty space expressed as Cartesian.
In other words, competent modern science, including
competent notions of economic processes, reject the notion of an
aprioristic notion of space which might be considered
independently of a notion of either relativistic (e..g,
experimental) time or relativistic (e.g.,experimental) notions of
physical principles. Competent modern science returns, on the
subject of these general matters of principle, to the ancient
Classical world-outlook shared by the astrophysical notions of
{Sphaerics} (i.e., astrophysics of trans-oceanic navigation)
which the ancient Pythagoreans, such as Archytas, adopted from
their Egyptian predecessors. This standpoint is otherwise
expressed as the Socratic standpoint of Archytas' friend and
collaborator Plato. The essentials of this view were resuscitated
as the foundations of modern physical science by Nicholas of Cusa
and such among his avowed followers in the principle of physical
science as Leonardo da Vinci, Johannes Kepler, and the great
Fermat.
The rejection of such Sophist notions of sense- certainty as
those of Euclid, obliges us to rely on the methods of crucial
(unique) experiment presented by the work of Riemann, rather than
extrapolations from {a priori} notions of extension of bare
sense-experience. Thus, experiment moves the issue of knowledge
from a bestial reliance on the merely apparent form of
sense-experience, as Euclid does, to the function of the
cognitive processes. the idea of empirical knowledge is thus
moved from naive blind faith in the beastly senses, to the
functions specific to the human mind.
Thus, in modern physical science since the work of Riemann
and such among his and Kepler's followers as Vernadsky and
Einstein, scientific knowledge is defined by a unique quality of
experiment, rather than interpretation of sense-perception as
such, as in Euclidean or Cartesian geometry, or in the Ockhamite
irrationalism called modern Liberalism, of Paolo Sarpi and such
among Sarpi's followers as Descartes. Since Riemann, space, time,
and matter, cease to have any independent primary existence,
apart from one another, in the parlance of science. With that
step toward clarity, we recognize that no proof exists for an
infinite universe of he type premised on a naive reading of
sense-perception. For us, the known universe is only that,
ontologically, which is bounded by experimentally definable
universal physical principles respecting the subject of physical
space-time as such.
It is necessary that we stress those distinctions on this
specific occasion, in order that we might be able to
conceptualize the actual, efficiently ontological meaning of the
term "universal" as it applies not only to experimental physics,
but, also, to social processes, such as politics, themselves. The
crucial concept common to both physical science and social
processes as such, is that of dynamics as defined, variously, to
common effect, by the ancient Pythagoreans, to Plato, and to
modern science from Cusa through Riemann, Vernadsky, and
Einstein.
For example, once we establish a demonstration, that a
principle of universal gravitation is not limited to the internal
bounds of the Solar system, then the implications of Kepler's
uniquely original discovery of general gravitation within the
Solar system, point to a universe which, despite vastly millions
of galaxies, is finite in the sense that the entire universe is
self-bounded by such a principle; therefore the universe is a
"one" of a finite existence. Every general physical principle
discovered to kindred effect, such as the distinction of life
from non-life, of cognitive from non-cognitive living species,
and the subsuming efficiency of the human creative powers within
the known universe, all add to the combined effect of defining a
finite, self-bounded, but expanding universality,
From that vantage-point, we know what we mean when we say to
ourselves that all processes in the universe are bounded by the
effective interactions among universal physical principles. Thus,
all competent knowledge submits its willfulness of belief and
practice to such a conception of a finite, but unbounded
universe, as Einstein recognized this implication of the work a
modern science expressed by its development from Kepler through
Riemann, and as Vernadsky proffered the same outcome for the
character of the Biosphere and Noosphere.

- Dynamic Self-Government -
Similarly, in physical-economic processes, the development
of the economy is not measurable in the simply additive apparent
effects of separate actions. Rather, we must measure the effects
in terms of the "non-linear" interactions of all classes of
actions within the whole assembly, as Leibniz and Riemann define
processes as {dynamic}. This is real economics (i.e., physical
economy) as applicable to economies such as the U.S.A., or to
economic systems defined in terms of interactions among
respectively sovereign national economies.
For example, the entire sweep of the breakdown of the U.S.
economy itself, and also of other nations, over the interval
since August 15, 1971, is a reflection of two leading elements of
absolute political and economics incompetence. First, is the
inane obsession with the presumption that the nominal relative
values assigned, as by prices or analogous mechanisms, to
products, processes, and national economies, is absurd in the
first instance, and, secondly, insane when used as an estimate of
the performance of national economies, or the world economy
generally.
There is no law in prices, unless one includes the practice
of lunacy as a law, as lunacy is rightly defined by currently
existing attempts at what are defined as "Adam Smith" or
comparable systems. What does exist is the relative increase, or
decrease of the potential relative population-density of the
society, as a result of variously decent, good, poor, or wretched
management of public affairs. The true values are what are
implicitly physically anti-entropic, rather than money-prices,
anti-entropic values measured in terms of the increase or
decrease of the potential relative population-density of the
economy considered as a dynamic whole.
Sane societies, which the U.S. has not experienced since the
mass lunacies of the 1970s, regulate currencies and pricing
policies with a view to increasing the potential relative
population-density per capita and per square kilometer of the
total relevant territories. For this reason, sane money and
pricing systems are not monetarist in form, but are based upon
protective measures of prices and tariffs whose aim is to provide
national credit-systems of the type implicit in proper practice
of the U.S. Federal Constitution's law respecting utterance,
rather than monetary systems of type associated with the legacy
of feudal central banking systems.
The specific genius on which the former superior genius of
the design of the U.S. economy once depended, as under the
legacies of Presidents Abraham Lincoln and of Franklin D.
Roosevelt. was the protectionist system associated with the
Federal government's monopoly on uttering and regulation of
national credit and currency, with emphasis on the promotion of
innovative increases in the physical productive powers of labor
per capita and per square kilometer of land-area.
Since February 1763, the distinction of the true American
patriot from the victims of accursed British Liberalism, was the
American patriot's abhorrence of the practices of usury
associated then, as now, with the British East India Company's
imperial tradition of the practice of monetarist usury, as by
that Bank of England which put Adolf Hitler into power in service
of what the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system considered its global
pursuit of its lawful, imperial prey. It is by that British
policy which we have been eaten, notably since the aftermath of
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, and more
consistently since the dirty work of the same George Schultz et
al. who, with cooperation of ostensible Democrat Felix Rohatyn,
put the fascist Pinochet regime into power in the Southern Cone
of South America.
The rescue of the otherwise doomed U.S.A. of today, depends
upon the immediate adoption of the efficient intention to turn
back to the economic policy-outlooks of the early 1960s, and also
back to the incompleted fulfilment of the legacy which President
Franklin Roosevelt represented in his intentions for the post-war
world. This time, our political leadership must learn dynamics,
and must commit itself to entering now, as immediately possible,
into a system of global agreements on economic and monetary
reform which will put the world into motion in the directions
which President Roosevelt had represented at the moment of that
President's death, a Roosevelt who had opposed the
pro-colonialism of Winston Churchill et al.,
1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, Jessie Belle, ed., 1917). I was
first exposed to that piece of doggerel during a High School
English course, now virtually seventy years ago: one of those
unpleasant memories which has haunted me since, in profound
contrast to the persistent memory of Franz Schubert's elegant Die
Kraehe. The piece was notable, then, as a alleged favorite of
that notorious spawn of the Confederacy, President Theodore
Roosevelt, but which I locate, more vividly, as a reflection of
the same decadence expressed as a trend echoed by the dupes of
Mark Twain.
2. Already, in 1932, H.G. Wells expressed his commitment to
fascism in public statements such as his Oxford declaration: "I
am asking for a liberal Fascisti, for enlightened Nazis."
3. C.f. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. "The Force of Tragedy," EIR
Vol. 34 No, 44, November 9, 2007.
4. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. "The Force of Tragedy," EIR V.
34, No. 44.
5. Cusa's contributions to statecraft generally, and the
launching of modern science, are typified by his discovery of the
fallacy of Archimedes' doctrine for quadrature of the circle and
parabola. This discovery by Cusa was the basis for the founding
of modern physical science by Johannes Kepler, and for all the
principal mainstream achievements of European science from Kepler
through Riemann, to the outlooks of Academician V.I. Vernadsky
and Albert Einstein.
6. Ibid.
*** END OF BRIEFING ***

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