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Subject: Tigidius Perennis

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Date Posted: 05:59:56 01/22/16 Fri

Tigidius Perennis
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2008)
Sextus Tigidius Perennis
Died 185
Allegiance Roman Empire
Years of service ??–185
Rank Praetorian prefect
Commands held Praetorian Guard
Sextus Tigidius Perennis (died 185) was a prefect of the Roman imperial bodyguard, known as the Praetorian Guard, during the reigns of the emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Under the latter, Perennis was the man who exercised the chief responsibilities of government in the Roman Empire. In 185 however, Perennis was implicated in a plot to overthrow the emperor by his political rival Marcus Aurelius Cleander, and executed under orders of Commodus.

Contents [hide]
1 Family
2 Rise to power
3 Political career
4 Downfall
5 References
He was the son of Gnaeus Cornelius Tegidus[1] and married Domnia The Dobrogean in 180 AD. They had Papiria Celena Verch Gurdomnus that year and Septimus Tigidius afterwards.

Rise to power[edit]
Perennis was appointed Praetorian Prefect after the execution of the incumbent Prefect Paternus, who had displeased Commodus by ordering without consent the death of the Emperor's lover and friend Saoterus for his questionable involvement in an assassination plot headed by Lucilla and Marcus Ummidius Quadratus Annianus. Perennis himself was influential in the instigation of his predecessor Paternus's punishment.[2]

Political career[edit]
Herodian describes how Perennis capitalised on Commodus's distrust of the Roman Senate (following the aforementioned assassination attempt to which the Senate was linked) by destroying many powerful Senators and claiming their wealth as his own.[3] So too was Perennis thought to have held ambitions of military power: soldiers were given lavish gifts in an attempt to seduce them to his cause, and his sons were appointed to commanding army roles.[4] The Augustan History suggests Perennis also persuaded Commodus to allow him political control, freeing the Emperor for his more hedonistic personal pursuits.[5]

Commodus was warned both by his friends[6] and by his soldiers[7] of the rising influence of Perennis, and the Praetorian Prefect was soon, in 185, executed on these grounds, after (as Herodian reports) coins bearing his name were shown to the emperor (no such coins have survived). Instrumental in Perennis's downfall was Marcus Aurelius Cleander, who would go on to fulfill a similar role in the next period of Commodus's reign.

Jump up ^ http://en.rodovid.org/wk/Person:271188
Jump up ^ Life of Commodus, Augustan History, Chapter IV
Jump up ^ History of the Roman Empire, Herodian, Book One, Chapter VIII
Jump up ^ History of the Roman Empire, Herodian, Book One, Chapter IX
Jump up ^ Life of Commodus, Augustan History, Chapter V
Jump up ^ History of the Roman Empire, Herodian, Book One, Chapter IX
Jump up ^ Roman History, Cassius Dio, Book Seventy Three, Chapter IX
Stub icon This ancient Roman biographical article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
Categories: 185 deaths2nd-century RomansNerva–Antonine dynastyExecuted Ancient Roman peoplePeople executed by the Roman Empire2nd-century executionsPraetorian prefectsAncient Roman people stubs
Subject: One to one computing (education)

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Date Posted: 05:58:24 01/22/16 Fri

One to one computing (education)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In the context of education, one-to-one computing (sometimes abbreviated as "1:1") refers to academic institutions, such as schools or colleges, issuing each enrolled student an electronic device in order to access the Internet, digital course materials and digital textbooks. The concept has been actively explored and sporadically implemented since the late 1990s.[1] One-to-one computing is frequently contrasted with a policy of "bring your own device" (BYOD), which encourages or requires students to use their own laptops, smartphones or other electronic devices in class. One-to-one computing offers the benefits of equal access, standardization, easy upgrades, simple networking and the ability to monitor student progress and online behavior. For these reasons, one-to-one computing is a major part of education policy in many countries. These benefits also underlie the one-to-one model of One Laptop per Child (OLPC), a charity that aims to issue electronic devices to millions of children in the developing world.

However, one-to-one requires substantial institutional investment. In addition to the initial cost of purchasing hundreds or thousands of electronic devices, there are very substantial ongoing costs to institutions, including implementation, training, software licensing, monitoring, security, upgrades and maintenance. Therefore, the overall cost–benefit ratio of a one-to-one model is the subject of lively debate. Many students are likely to own and use one or more electronic devices in addition to the school-issued electronic device, raising the question of whether 1:1 is redundant or wasteful. Furthermore, the ultimate academic benefits of one-to-one, if any, are unclear. According to research published by Boston College, the educational value of 1:1 depends on the classroom teacher.[2] Some schools have even phased out their one-to-one programs because there was no evidence of academic gains.[3] Other studies have shown some progress in specific subjects, especially in writing scores, that are correlated with the use of school-issued laptops. The wide range of results for 1:1 programs means there is no consensus on their benefits or drawbacks.[4] Because 1:1 computing programs may have many goals, from improving educational outcomes to increasing equality, and are associated with such a wide range of teaching methods, it is also difficult to judge their overall success or value.

Jump up ^ Bebel, Damian; Rachel Kay (2010). "One to one computing: A summary of the quantitative results from the Berkshire Wireless Learning Initiative". Journal of Technology, Learning, and Assessment 9 (2). Retrieved 19 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Norris, Cathleen; Elliot Soloway (May 2010). "One-to-one computing has failed our expectations". District Administration. Retrieved 19 March 2014. Boston College researchers found that the impact of a one-to-one computing implementation is largely a function of the classroom teacher... if extracting value from an innovation is dependent on the teacher, then the value added by the innovation per se is limited.
Jump up ^ Hu, Winnie (4 May 2007). "Seeing no progress, some schools drop laptops". The New York Times. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Sauers, Nicholas J.; Scott McLeod (1 May 2012). "What does the research say about school one-to-one computing initiatives?" (PDF). Castle Brief. UCEA Center for the Advanced Study of Technology Leadership in Education, University of Kentucky. Retrieved 19 March 2014. When examining the research related to one-to-one computing programs, it is clear that they have produced a wide range of results.
Further reading[edit]
Bebell, D.; O'Dwyer, L. M. (January 2010). "Educational Outcomes and Research from 1:1 Computing Settings". Journal of Technology, Learning, and Assessment 9 (1). Archived from the original (PDF) on January 2010.
Cuban, L. (2006). "Cuban Op-Ed: The Laptop Revolution Has No Clothes". Education Week 26 (8). Archived from the original on 17 October 2006.
Grimes, D.; Warschauer, M. (2008). "Learning with laptops: A multi-method case study" (PDF). Journal of Educational Computing Research 38 (3): 305–332. doi:10.2190/ec.38.3.d.
Jaillet, A. (2004). "What Is Happening with Portable Computers in Schools?". Journal of Science Education and Technology 13 (1): 115–128. doi:10.1023/b:jost.0000019644.31745.9e.
Penuel, W. R. (2006). "Implementation and Effects of One-to-One Computing Initiatives: A Research Synthesis". Journal of Research on Technology in Education 38 (3): 329–348. doi:10.1080/15391523.2006.10782463.
Silvernail, D. L.; Pinkham, C.; Wintl, S.; Walker, L.; Bartlett, C. (August 2011). "A Middle School One-to-One Laptop Program: The Maine Experience" (PDF). University of Southern Maine.
Zucker, A.; Light, D. (2009). "Laptop Programs for Students". Science 323 (5910): 82–85. doi:10.1126/science.1167705.
Categories: Educational technologyInformation and communication technologies for development
Subject: Double-Headed Eeagle!

Jessica (Impressed)
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Date Posted: 16:36:48 01/21/16 Thu

The double-headed eagle is a common symbol in heraldry and vexillology. It is most commonly associated with the Byzantine Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, the Serbian Empire, the Russian Empire and their successor states. In Byzantine heraldry, the heads represent the Emperor having authority over both secular and religious matters, Byzantine emperors were regarded as Christ's viceregent on Earth. It also signified the dominance of the Byzantine Emperors over both East and West. In the Holy Roman Empire's heraldry, it represented the church and the state. Several Eastern European nations adopted it from the Byzantines and continue to use it as their national symbol.


Double-headed eagles have been present in imagery for millennia. The two-headed eagle can be found in the archaeological remains of the Hittite civilization, dating from a period that ranges from the 20th century BC to the 7th century BC. The Gandaberunda is another example of a mythological two-headed bird, which is in common use in India (The Kingdom of Mysore).

Cylindric seals discovered in Boğazkale, an old Hittite capital in modern-day Turkey, represent clearly a two-headed eagle with spread wings. The aesthetics of this symmetrical position explains in part the birth of this religious figure: It originally dates from c. 3800 BC, and was the Sumerian symbol for the god of Lagash, Ninurta son of Enlil. It can also be seen in the same region in three monumental settings: Circa 1900 BC, during the Hittite surge from north-central Anatolia down into Babylonia; in Alacahöyük around 1400 BC; and in Yazilikaya before 1250 BC. Here the context looks slightly different and totally religious: The eagle returns to its ancient origins as a symbol of divine power. The two-headed eagle is seen less and less during the last Hittite period (from the 9th to the 7th century BC) and totally disappears after the end of the empire.

Byzantine Empire

Constantinople was the successor of Rome, and the Byzantine Greeks continued the use of the old imperial "single-headed" eagle motif. Although the roots of the transformation to double-headed are almost certainly connected with old depictions in Asia Minor, the details of its adoption are uncertain. It appears in Byzantine artwork as early as the 10th century, but it's confirmed in use by the Empire as such only much later, in the Palaiologos dynasty period, when it was used as a symbol of the Emperor and high-ranking members of the Imperial family.

The Ancients used no flags in the modern sense. The Romans used various signa, such as the bronze aquilas (adopted as the legions' symbol by Marius) and vexilloids, and, if the emperor was present, pikes or banners with the emperor's portrait. With the adoption of Christianity as state religion during the later Empire, the Chi-Rho and the cross became more and more used in military standards, such as the labarum. The Roman single-headed eagle however continued to be used as a symbol of imperial authority.

According to a popular story (which however lacks any direct support), the single-headed eagle was modified to double-headed by Emperor Isaac I Komnenos (1057–1059) being influenced from local traditions about such a (mythical) beast (the haga) in his native Paphlagonia in Asia Minor. Local legends talked about this giant eagle with two heads that could easily hold a bull in its claws; the haga was seen as a representation of power, and people would often "call" it for protection. Isaac Komnenos, deeply influenced by these beliefs, had already used it as a family emblem.

Seljuk Empire

The double-headed eagle became the standard of the Seljuk Turks with the crowning of Tuğrul (meaning "Goshawk") Beg at Mosul in 1058 as "King of the East and the West" and was much used afterwards. The Sultans of Rum, Ala ad-Din Kayqubad I (1220–1237) and his son Kaykhusraw II (1237–1246) used the bicephalous eagle in their standards, and the motif was also found on tissues, cut stones, mural squares, and Koran holders.

Holy Roman Empire

The first mention of a double-headed eagle in the West dates from 1250, in a roll of arms of Matthew of Paris for Emperor Frederick II of the Holy Roman Empire. Usually depicted black on a gold background, it replaced the earlier single-headed eagle, and was subsequently adopted in the coats of arms of many German cities and aristocratic families. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the double-headed eagle was retained by the Austrian Empire, and served also as the coat of arms of the German Confederation.

Use by other countries

From Byzantium, the use of two-headed eagle symbols spread to Russia after Ivan III's second marriage (1472) to Zoe Palaiologina (a niece of the last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI Palaiologos, who reigned 1449-1453), and to Montferrat, where a cadet branch of the Palaeologi ruled. The double eagle remained also an important motif in the heraldry of the imperial families of Russia (the House of Romanov), of Austria-Hungary (the House of Habsburg), of Serbia (the Houses of Karađorđević and Obrenović) as well as in the royal family of Montenegro, the Petrović-Njegoš.

The double-headed eagle was a main element of the coat of arms of the Russian Empire, modified in various ways from the reign of Ivan III (1462–1505) onwards, with the shape of the eagle getting its definite Russian form during the reign of Peter the Great (1682–1725). It continued in Russian use until abolished (being identified with Tsarist rule) with the Russian Revolution in 1917; it was restored in 1993 after that year's constitutional crisis and remains in use up to the present, although the eagle charge on the present coat of arms is golden rather than the traditional, imperial black.

The Kingdom of Mysore, initially a vassal state of the Vijayanagara Empire, became independent (ca. 1565) with the decline of the latter. The Gandaberunda was used as a symbol of the ruling Wodeyar dynasty, having been found on a sculpture on the roof of the Rameshwara temple in the temple town of Keladi in Shivamogga. The Karnataka Government adopted this symbol as the state symbol; it appears on bus terminals and tickets issued by the Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation. Coins (gold pagoda or gadyana) from the rule of Achyuta Deva Raya (reigned 1529–1542) are thought[by whom?] to be the first to use the Gandaberunda on currency.

In England, the Mercian Kings used the double-headed eagle as a symbol prior to the Norman conquest. It was used by Leofric, Earl of Mercia to represent the ancient Shropshire family, and also, during the 20th century, by the former Municipal Borough of Wimbledon in London.

In Scotland, the coat of arms of the city and burgh of Perth was supported by a double-headed eagle. The eagle later became the supporter of the arms of the district of Perth and Kinross (1975).

In Serbia, the Nemanjić dynasty adopted a double-headed eagle. The white eagle was retained by most Serbian medieval dynasties, as well as the Karađorđević, Obrenović and Petrović-Njegoš houses and remains to this day in use in the coats-of-arms of the countries of Serbia and Montenegro. It was the charge in the coat of arms of the Bulgarian Tsar Ivan Alexander (reigned 1331–1371). During the next centuries, the eagle was made to hold a sword and/or a scepter and an orb with a cross, symbols of the aforementioned secular/religious double sovereignty.

In Albania, the double headed eagle was first introduced by Kastrioti family which used it as the family's Coat of Arms, later this symbol was used by Skanderbeg as the coat of arms of the League of Lezhë, the Albanian resistance movement against the Ottoman Empire in mid 15th Century. The flag consisted of a red background with a black eagle in the middle. In 1912, Ismail Qemali, raised a similar version of that flag. The flag has gone through a lot of alternations until 1992 when the current flag of Albania was introduced. The double headed eagle is also used by some religious entities like the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania.

Its usage also survived as an element in the Greek Orthodox Church, which was the inheritor of the Byzantine legacy during the Ottoman Empire, while it remained a popular symbol among Greeks and is still in use in Church flags. In modern Greece it appears in official use in the Hellenic Army (Coat of Arms of Hellenic Army General Staff). It was also used as a charge on the Greek coat of arms for a brief period in 1925–1926.

The two-headed eagle appears, often as a supporter, on the current and historical arms and flags of many countries and territories, including Albania, Armenia, Austria (1934–1938), Austria-Hungary, Byzantine Empire, German Confederation, Holy Roman Empire, Kingdom of Mercia (527–918), Montenegro, Kingdom of Mysore, Russian Empire, Russian Federation, Seljuk Empire, Serbia, Serbian Empire, Kingdom of Serbia, Spanish Empire (during the Habsburg dynasty), and Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It also appears on other coats of arms and flags, including the flag of the Greek Orthodox Church, the arms and flag of the Hellenic Army General Staff and the Hellenic Army XVI Infantry Division, a number of cities in Germany, Netherlands and Serbia, the arms and flag of the city and Province of Toledo, Spain, and the arms of the town of Velletri, Italy.

Modern usage

Albania, Serbia, Montenegro and Russia have a double headed eagle in their coat of arms. In Turkey, municipality of Diyarbakır and two football clubs of Turkey, Erzurumspor and Konyaspor, have a double-headed eagle in their coat of arms. In Greece, the Hellenic Army, Greek Orthodox Church, autonomous entity Mount Athos and football clubs PAOK and AEK feature the double-headed eagle.

Other uses

The Double-Headed Eagle of Lagash is used as an emblem by the Scottish Rite of Freemasonry. There are many meanings attached to this symbol. It has been introduced in France in the early 1760s as the emblem of the Kadosh degree.

The double-headed eagle is the emblem of the Greek sport clubs AEK and (since 1929) P.A.O.K.. It is a symbol of the clubs' origins, since both were founded by Greek refugees who fled to Greece from Constantinople in the 1920s. It is also the emblem of the Turkish Konyaspor and Erzurumspor, the Dutch clubs NEC and Vitesse, the English League Two football club AFC Wimbledon and Scottish Premier League side Saint Johnstone FC. Bengaluru FC uses Gandaberunda in their logo.
Subject: Banker horse!

Jackson (They're referred as Wild Horse)
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Date Posted: 08:21:52 01/21/16 Thu

The Banker horse is a breed of feral horse (Equus ferus caballus) living on barrier islands in North Carolina's Outer Banks. It is small, hardy, and has a docile temperament. Descended from domesticated Spanish horses and possibly brought to the Americas in the 16th century, the ancestral foundation bloodstock may have become feral after surviving shipwrecks or being abandoned on the islands by one of the exploratory expeditions led by Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón or Sir Richard Grenville. Populations are found on Ocracoke Island, Shackleford Banks, Currituck Banks, and in the Rachel Carson Estuarine Sanctuary.

Although they can trample plants and ground-nesting animals and are not considered to be indigenous to the islands, Bankers are allowed to remain due to their historical significance. They survive by grazing on marsh grasses, which supply them with water as well as food, supplemented by temporary freshwater pools.

To prevent overpopulation and inbreeding, and to protect their habitat from being overgrazed, the horses are managed by the National Park Service, the state of North Carolina, and several private organizations. The horses are monitored for diseases, such as equine infectious anemia, an outbreak of which was discovered and subsequently eliminated on Shackleford in 1996. They are safeguarded from traffic on North Carolina Highway 12. Island populations are limited by adoptions and by birth control. Bankers taken from the wild and trained have been used for trail riding, driving, and occasionally for mounted patrols.


The typical Banker is relatively small, standing between 13.0 and 14.3 hands (52 and 59 inches, 132 and 150 cm) high at the withers and weighing 800 to 1,000 pounds (360 to 450 kg). The forehead is broad and the facial profile tends to be straight or slightly convex. The chest is deep and narrow and the back is short with a sloped croup and low-set tail. Legs have an oval-shaped cannon bone, a trait considered indicative of "strong bone" or soundness. The callousities known as chestnuts are small, on some so tiny that they are barely detectable. Most Bankers have no chestnuts on the hind legs. The coat can be any color but is most often brown, bay, dun, or chestnut. Bankers have long-strided gaits and many are able to pace and amble. They are easy keepers and are hardy, friendly, and docile.

Several of the Bankers' characteristics indicate that they share ancestry with other Colonial Spanish horse breeds. The presence of the genetic marker "Q-ac" suggests that the horses share common ancestry with two other breeds of Spanish descent, the Pryor Mountain Mustang and Paso Fino. These breeds diverged from one another 400 years ago. The breed shares skeletal traits of other Colonial Spanish horses: the wings of the atlas are lobed, rather than semicircular; and they are short-backed, with some individuals possessing five instead of six lumbar vertebrae. No changes in function result from these spinal differences. The convex facial profile common to the breed also indicates Spanish ancestry.

Breed history

Since they are free-roaming, Bankers are often referred to as "wild" horses; however, because they descend from domesticated ancestors, they are feral horses. It is thought that the Bankers arrived on the barrier islands during the 16th century. Several hypotheses have been advanced to explain the horses' origins, but none have yet been fully verified.

One theory is that ancestors of the Banker swam ashore from wrecked Spanish galleons. Ships returning to Spain from the Americas often took advantage of both the Gulf Stream and continental trade winds, on a route that brought them within 20 miles (32 km) of the Outer Banks. Hidden shoals claimed many victims, and earned this region the name of "Graveyard of the Atlantic". At least eight shipwrecks discovered in the area are of Spanish origin, dating between 1528 and 1564. These ships sank close enough to land for the horses to have made the shores. Alternatively, during hazardous weather, ships may have taken refuge close to shore, where the horses may have been turned loose. However, the presence of horses on Spanish treasure ships has not been confirmed—cargo space was primarily intended for transporting riches such as gold and silver.

Another conjecture is that the breed is descended from the 89 horses brought to the islands in 1526 by Spanish explorer Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón. His attempted colonization of San Miguel de Gualdape (near the Santee River in South Carolina) failed, forcing the colonists to move, possibly to North Carolina. Vázquez de Ayllón, and about 450 of the original 600 colonists subsequently died as a result of desertion, disease, and an early frost. Lacking effective leadership, the new settlement lasted for only two months; the survivors abandoned the colony and fled to Hispaniola, leaving their horses behind.

A similar theory is that Sir Richard Grenville brought horses to the islands in 1585, during an attempt to establish an English naval base. All five of the expedition's vessels ran aground at Wococon (present-day Ocracoke). Documents indicate that the ships carried various types of livestock obtained through trade in Hispaniola, including "mares, kyne [cattle], buls, goates, swine [and] sheep." While the smaller vessels were easily refloated, one of Grenville's larger ships, the Tiger, was nearly destroyed. Scholars believe that as the crew attempted to lighten the ship, they either unloaded the horses or forced them overboard, letting them swim to shore. In a letter to Sir Francis Walsingham that same year, Grenville suggested that livestock survived on the island after the grounding of his ships.

Life on the barrier islands

About 400 Bankers inhabit the long, narrow barrier islands of North Carolina's Outer Banks. These islands are offshore sediment deposits separated from the mainland by a body of water such as an estuary or sound. The islands can be up to 30 miles (48 km) from the shore; most are less than one mile (1.6 km) wide. Vegetation is sparse and consists mainly of coarse grasses and a few stunted trees. Each island in the chain is separated from the next by a tidal inlet.

The Bankers' small stature can be attributed, in part, to limited nutrients in their diet. They graze mostly on Spartina grasses but will feed on other plants such as bulrush (Typha latifolia), sea oats, and even poison ivy. Horses living closer to human habitation, such as those on Currituck Banks, have sometimes grazed on residential lawns and landscaping. Domesticated Bankers raised on manufactured horse feed from an early age tend to exhibit slightly larger frames.

Water is a limiting resource for Bankers, as the islands are surrounded by salt water and have no freshwater springs or permanent ponds. The horses are dependent on ephemeral pools of rainwater and moisture in the vegetation they consume. Bankers will dig shallow holes, ranging from 2.5 to 4 feet (0.76 to 1.22 m) in depth, to reach fresh groundwater. Occasionally, they may resort to drinking seawater. This gives them a bloated appearance, a consequence of water retention caused by the body's effort to maintain osmotic balance.

Land use controversies

The National Park Service (NPS) is concerned about the impact of Bankers on the environmental health of North Carolina's barrier islands. Initially, the NPS believed that the non-native Bankers would completely consume the Spartina alterniflora grasses and the maritime forests, as both were thought to be essential to their survival. Research in 1987 provided information on the horses' diet that suggested otherwise. Half of their diet consisted of Spartina, while only 4% of their nutrients came from the maritime forest. The study concluded that sufficient nutrients were replenished with each ocean tide to prevent a decline in vegetative growth from overgrazing. A 2004 study declared that the greatest impact on plant life was not from grazing but from the damage plants sustained when trampled by the horses' hooves. Bankers pose a threat to ground-nesting animals such as sea turtles and shorebirds. Feral horses interrupt nesting activities and can crush the young.

Management and adoption

As the Bankers are seen as a part of North Carolina's coastal heritage, they have been allowed to remain on the barrier islands. To cope with the expanding population, prevent inbreeding and attempt to minimize environmental damage, several organizations partner in managing the herds.


Since 1959, Bankers on Ocracoke Island have been confined to fenced areas of approximately 180 acres (0.73 km2; 0.28 sq mi). The areas protect the horses from the traffic of North Carolina Highway 12, as well as safeguarding the island from overgrazing. The NPS, the authority managing the Ocracoke herd, supplements the horses' diet with additional hay and grain. In 2006, as a precaution against inbreeding, two colts from the Shackleford herd were transported to Ocracoke.


Public Law 105-229, commonly referred to as the Shackleford Banks Wild Horses Protection Act, states that the Bankers on Shackleford Island are to be jointly managed by the National Park Service and another qualified nonprofit entity (currently the Foundation for Shackleford Horses). The herd is limited to 120–130 horses. Population management is achieved through adoption and by administering the contraceptive vaccine Porcine zona pellucida (PZP) to individual mares via dart. The island's horse population is monitored by freeze branding numbers onto each animal's left hindquarter. The identification of individuals allows the National Park Service to ensure correct gender ratios and to select which mares to inject with PZP.

Since 2000, adoptions of Bankers from Shackleford have been managed by the Foundation for Shackleford Horses. As of 2007, 56 horses had found new homes, 10 resided with another herd on Cedar Island, and two had been moved to the Ocracoke herd.

On November 12, 1996, the Shackleford horses were rounded up by the North Carolina Department of Agriculture's Veterinary Division and tested for equine infectious anemia (EIA). EIA is a potentially lethal disease, a lentivirus transmitted by bodily fluids and insects. Seventy-six of the 184 captured horses tested positive. Those that tested negative were allowed to remain on the island and those with the disease were transported to a temporary quarantine facility. Finding a permanent, isolated area for such a large number of Bankers was a challenging task for the Foundation; eight days later the state declared all proposed locations for the herd unsuitable. It ordered the euthanization of the 76 infected horses. Two more horses died in the process—one that was fatally injured during the roundup, and an uninfected foal that slipped into the quarantined herd to be with its mother.

Currituck Banks

As a consequence of Corolla's development in the 1980s, horses on Currituck Banks came into contact with humans more frequently. By 1989, eleven Bankers had been killed by cars on the newly constructed Highway 12. That same year, the Corolla Wild Horse Fund, a nonprofit organization, was created to protect the horses from human interference. As a result of its efforts, the remainder of the herd was moved to a more remote part of Currituck Banks, where they were fenced into 1,800 acres (7.28 km2; 2.81 sq mi) of combined federal and privately donated land. Corolla commissioners declared the site a horse sanctuary. The population is now managed by adopting out yearlings, both fillies and gelded colts. Conflicts over the preservation of the horses continued into 2012. In 2013, legislation was introduced to help preserve the herd on Currituck.

Rachel Carson Site, North Carolina National Estuarine Research Reserve

A herd lives on the Rachel Carson component of the North Carolina National Estuarine Research Reserve, a series of five small islands and several salt marshes. There were no horses at the Sanctuary until the 1940s. It is unclear whether the Bankers swam over from nearby Shackleford or were left by residents who had used the islands to graze livestock. They are owned and managed by the state of North Carolina and regarded as a cultural resource.

No management action was taken until the late 1980s and early 1990s, when after years of flourishing population, the island's carrying capacity was exceeded. Malnourishment caused by overcrowding resulted in the deaths of several horses; the reserve's staff instituted a birth control program to restrict the herd to about 40 animals.


Adopted Bankers are often used for pleasure riding and driving. As they have a calm disposition, they are used as children's mounts. The breed has also been used in several mounted patrols.

Before 1915, the United States Lifesaving Service used horses for beach watches and rescues. In addition to carrying park rangers on patrols, the horses hauled equipment to and from shipwreck sites. During World War II, the Coast Guard used them for patrols. In the 1980s Bankers were used for beach duty at Cape Hatteras National Seashore.

In 1955, ten horses were taken from the Ocracoke herd as a project for Boy Scout Troop 290. After taming and branding the horses, the scouts trained them for public service activities. The Bankers were ridden in parades and used as mounts during programs to spray mosquito-ridden salt marshes.
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