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ILLINOIS PAGEANT BOARD
Welcome to the Illinois Pageant Board. All pageant systems are welcome except MAO. Their board is locted at http://www.voy.com/205794/

Subject: Reverse Factoring


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:20:26 01/27/19 Sun

Unlike traditional factoring, where a supplier wants to finance its receivables, reverse factoring (or supply chain financing) is a financing solution initiated by the ordering party (the customer) in order to help its suppliers to finance its receivables more easily and at a lower interest rate than what would normally be offered. In 2011, the reverse factoring market was still very small, accounting for less than 3% of the factoring market.[citation needed]


Contents
1 A financing solution
2 Reverse factoring definition
3 The concept
4 Historic
5 An improvement of business relations
6 Advantages
6.1 For the supplier
6.2 For the ordering party (the buyer)
6.3 For the factor (the financier)
7 Optimization of the process
8 Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
9 References
10 See also
A financing solution
The reverse factoring method, still rare, is similar to the factoring insofar as it involves three actors: the ordering party (customer), the supplier and the factor. Just as basic factoring, the aim of the process is to finance the supplier’s receivables by a financier (the factor), so the supplier can cash in the money for what he sold immediately (minus an interest the factor deducts to finance the advance of money).

Contrary to the basic factoring, the initiative is not from the supplier that would have presented her invoices to the factor to be paid earlier. This time, it is the ordering party (customer) that starts the process – usually a large company – choosing invoices that he will allow to be paid earlier by the factor. And then, the supplier will himself choose which of these invoices he will need to be paid by the factor. It is therefore a really collaborative project between the ordering party, the supplier and the factor.

Because it is the ordering party that starts the process, it is her liability that is engaged and therefore the interest applied for the deduction is less than the one the supplier would have been given had he done it on her own. The ordering party will for her part benefit of a part of the benefit realized by the factor, because he is the one to allow this. And the financier for his part will make his profit and create a durable relation with both the supplier and the ordering party.

Reverse factoring definition
An alternative financing solution where a supplier finances their receivables via a process started by the ordering party, in order to help their suppliers receive more favorable financial terms than they would have otherwise received for operational and other pass-thru costs incurred in providing services to the ordering party.

Reverse factoring is seen as an effective cash flow optimization tool for companies outsourcing large volume of services (e.g. clinical research activities by Pharmaceutical companies[1]). The benefit to both parties is that the company providing the services can get the outstanding value of their invoices paid in 10 days or less vs. the normal 30- to 45-day payment terms while the ordering party can delay the actual payment of the invoices (which are paid to the bank) by 120-180 days thus increasing cash flow. After the initial period of cash flow optimization, it is unclear if this will remain of value to the ordering party because you will then be paying monthly invoices of approximately equal amounts assuming your outsourced services are stable/average across the year/future periods. The cost of the "money" is a set interest rate normally tied to an index plus a bps adjustment.

The concept
To fully understand how the reverse factoring process works, one needs to be familiar with trade discounts and factoring. Indeed, reverse factoring could be considered as a combination of these two solutions, taking advantages of both in order to redistribute the benefits to all three actors. In order to better understand the process, it is necessary to look at the 8 individual aspects of those three solutions:

trade discount factoring reverse factoring
Eligibility all invoices all invoices validated invoices
Financement at the ordering party initiative at the supplier’s initiative at the ordering party initiative
Sum financed 100% of the invoice (-discount) part of the invoice part of the invoice
Interest rate depends on the supplier’s situation depends on the supplier’s situation depends on the ordering party’s situation
Payment immediate due date due date
Impact on the Need Working Cash negative none none
Financial interests value of the discount (but involves cash outflow) none percentage of the discount
Deployment to other suppliers slow (adaptation to each supplier) none fast
Historic
The concept itself of the reverse factoring is not that original. It is the automobile constructors who started to use it. Particularly, Fiat, as of the 1980s’, used this kind of financing process for its suppliers in order to realise a better margin. The principle then spread to the retail industry because of the interest it represents for a sector where payment delays are at the heart of every negotiation.

In the 1990s’, and the early 2000s’, the reverse factoring was not used a lot because of the economic contexts that did not allow it to be an efficient way of financing. Today however, because of the NTICs and various legal advances, it has become a very successful tool.

An improvement of business relations
In the basic invoicing or factoring framework, there are always some risks that threaten the invoices:

fraudulent invoice (illegal, erroneous calculation, or typographical error)
an underestimated time of payment delay
an incorrect estimation on the object of the invoice (a service poorly executed)
etc.
By using the reverse factoring, these risks are materially reduced.

Advantages
For the supplier
The supplier has its invoices paid earlier; therefore it can more easily manage its cashflow, and reduce by the way the costs of receivables management. Moreover, as it is the ordering party that puts its liability at stake, it benefits from a better interest rate on the trade discount than the one that would have been obtained by going directly to a factoring company. The reverse factoring is very useful for small companies that have for clients large groups, because it creates a more durable business relation as the big company helps the smaller one, and doing so gets some extra money. This opinion does not account for the poor relations caused by unilateral changes to credit terms. Smaller companies are generally not given a choice to accept the additional cost of finance imposed by this process. In a factoring process, if there is any problem concerning the payment of the invoice, it is the supplier that is liable, and has to give back the money he received. In the reverse factoring process, as it concerns validated invoices, as soon as the supplier receives the payment from the factor, the company is protected. The factor will have to get its money from the ordering party. Finally, in a trade discount system, the supplier is forced to be paid cash, regardless of its cash flow. Some reverse factoring platforms identified this problem, and therefore propose to the suppliers a more collaborative solution: they choose themselves the invoices they want to receive cash, the others will be paid at due date.[2]

For the ordering party (the buyer)
The reverse factoring permits to gather all the suppliers in one financier, and that way to pay one company instead of many, which eases the invoicing management. The relation with the suppliers benefiting of the reverse factoring is improved because they benefit from a better financing solution, and their payment delays are reduced; for its part, the ordering party will gain some extra money reversed by the factor and pay her invoices to the due date. Making suppliers benefit from such advantages can be a powerful leverage in negotiation, and also ensure a more durable relation with the suppliers. Moreover, it ensures that the suppliers will be able to find advantaging financing in case of cash flow problem: using reverse factoring assures that the suppliers will still be in business, and are reliable. With the reverse factoring, instead of paying numerous suppliers, most of the invoices are centralized with the same factor; it is always better for the accounts department to deal with one company to pay than several. This can also be simplified and speeded by using a reverse factoring platform combined with digitalization of business transactions (i.e. EDI).

For the factor (the financier)
By taking part in the reverse factoring process, the factor realizes a benefit by making available cash to the supplier and supporting in its place the delays of payment. However, in opposition to the factoring, in this situation the factor is in a more durable business relation as everyone benefits from it. Other advantage for the financier, is that he works directly with big ordering parties; it means that instead of going after each and every supplier of that company, he can reach faster and more easily all of the suppliers and do business with them. Therefore, the risk is less important: it passes from a lot of fragmented risks to one unique and less important.

Optimization of the process
Often the reverse factoring is used with the dematerialization to speed the process. As the whole goal of it is to make money available to the supplier as fast as possible, a lot of companies decide to dematerialize their invoices when they start a reverse factoring system, because that way it saves few more days, plus all the advantages of the dematerialization (less expensive, and benefic to the environment). In average, it can shorten the delays by 10 to 15 days.

Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
The core principle of the reverse factoring is to have a way that benefits to all the actors. That way, it is necessary to have good relations with the other actors. The principal risk in reverse factoring is that the supplier gets trapped in a system where he cannot decide which invoices he need paid immediately or not, and therefore he becomes the victim of that system. Therefore, it is necessary to choose a collaborative platform that would permit the supplier to select which invoices they will be paid early, and when they will be paid.
[> Subject: Re: Reverse Factoring


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:36:32 01/27/19 Sun

>Unlike traditional factoring, where a supplier wants
>to finance its receivables, reverse factoring (or
>supply chain financing) is a financing solution
>initiated by the ordering party (the customer) in
>order to help its suppliers to finance its receivables
>more easily and at a lower interest rate than what
>would normally be offered. In 2011, the reverse
>factoring market was still very small, accounting for
>less than 3% of the factoring market.[citation needed]
>



Part of a series on
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A world war is a large-scale war which affects the whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span multiple countries on multiple continents or just two countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted only as it is retrospectively applied to two major international conflicts that occurred during the 20th century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II (1939–45).


Contents
1 Origin of the term
2 First World War
3 Second World War
4 Third World War
5 Other global conflicts
5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
5.2 Wars spanning continents
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Origin of the term
The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper, The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term "world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate, Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France. Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish: världskrig), justifying this description by a line in an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term "world war" in the title of his anti-British novel, Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming Conquest of England.

In English, the term "First World War" had been used by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10, 1918.[3]

The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The first use for the actual war came in its issue of September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September 4, the day after France and the United Kingdom declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page, saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11 a.m."[5]

Speculative fiction authors had been noting the concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the "world war" terminology, for example; in French: "world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been used in the more abstract meaning of a global conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian: verdenskrig, and in Russian: мировая война (mirovaya voyna.)

First World War
Main article: World War I
World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of human technological history, the scale of World War I was enabled by the technological advances of the second industrial revolution and the resulting globalization that allowed global power projection and mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a scale have not been repeated since the onset of the Atomic Age and the resulting danger of mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized that the complex system of opposing alliances (the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out. Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two countries had the potential to set off a domino effect of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that the powers involved had large overseas empires virtually guaranteed that such a war would be worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a crucial strategic factor. The same strategic considerations also ensured that the combatants would strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian times.

War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical weapons were used in the First World War despite the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of over one million Armenians during the First World War.

Second World War
Main article: World War II

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides, most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada deported and interned minority groups within their own borders, and largely because of the conflict, many ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral nations without a declaration of war, such as the bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants suffered at least as badly as or worse than combatants, and the distinction between combatants and non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]

The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on the course of world history. The old European empires either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The United States became firmly established as the dominant global superpower, along with its ideological foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two superpowers exerted political influence over most of the world's nation-states for decades after the end of the Second World War. The modern international security, economic, and diplomatic system was created in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]

Institutions such as the United Nations were established to collectivize international affairs, with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the course of daily life. Technologies developed during wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin, nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation needed]

Third World War
Main article: World War III
Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki during the Second World War, there has been a widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third World War is generally considered a successor to the Second World War and is often suggested to become a nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much more violent than the First World War and the Second World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented that "I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned for by military and civil authorities and has been explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of the planet's surface.

Other global conflicts
See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
Various former government officials, politicians, authors, and military leaders (including the following people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9] Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War" and "Fourth World War" to various past and present global wars since the closing of the Second World War, for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror, respectively. Among these are former American, French, and Mexican government officials, military leaders, politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.

Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero" include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]

The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an official peace and the first democratic elections in 2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18] which led some commentators to characterize the situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]

Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I casualties
The two world wars of the 20th century had caused unprecedented casualties and destruction across the theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>
>Contents
>1 A financing solution
>2 Reverse factoring definition
>3 The concept
>4 Historic
>5 An improvement of business relations
>6 Advantages
>6.1 For the supplier
>6.2 For the ordering party (the buyer)
>6.3 For the factor (the financier)
>7 Optimization of the process
>8 Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>9 References
>10 See also
>A financing solution
>The reverse factoring method, still rare, is similar
>to the factoring insofar as it involves three actors:
>the ordering party (customer), the supplier and the
>factor. Just as basic factoring, the aim of the
>process is to finance the supplier’s receivables by a
>financier (the factor), so the supplier can cash in
>the money for what he sold immediately (minus an
>interest the factor deducts to finance the advance of
>money).
>
>Contrary to the basic factoring, the initiative is not
>from the supplier that would have presented her
>invoices to the factor to be paid earlier. This time,
>it is the ordering party (customer) that starts the
>process – usually a large company – choosing invoices
>that he will allow to be paid earlier by the factor.
>And then, the supplier will himself choose which of
>these invoices he will need to be paid by the factor.
>It is therefore a really collaborative project between
>the ordering party, the supplier and the factor.
>
>Because it is the ordering party that starts the
>process, it is her liability that is engaged and
>therefore the interest applied for the deduction is
>less than the one the supplier would have been given
>had he done it on her own. The ordering party will for
>her part benefit of a part of the benefit realized by
>the factor, because he is the one to allow this. And
>the financier for his part will make his profit and
>create a durable relation with both the supplier and
>the ordering party.
>
>Reverse factoring definition
>An alternative financing solution where a supplier
>finances their receivables via a process started by
>the ordering party, in order to help their suppliers
>receive more favorable financial terms than they would
>have otherwise received for operational and other
>pass-thru costs incurred in providing services to the
>ordering party.
>
>Reverse factoring is seen as an effective cash flow
>optimization tool for companies outsourcing large
>volume of services (e.g. clinical research activities
>by Pharmaceutical companies[1]). The benefit to both
>parties is that the company providing the services can
>get the outstanding value of their invoices paid in 10
>days or less vs. the normal 30- to 45-day payment
>terms while the ordering party can delay the actual
>payment of the invoices (which are paid to the bank)
>by 120-180 days thus increasing cash flow. After the
>initial period of cash flow optimization, it is
>unclear if this will remain of value to the ordering
>party because you will then be paying monthly invoices
>of approximately equal amounts assuming your
>outsourced services are stable/average across the
>year/future periods. The cost of the "money" is a set
>interest rate normally tied to an index plus a bps
>adjustment.
>
>The concept
>To fully understand how the reverse factoring process
>works, one needs to be familiar with trade discounts
>and factoring. Indeed, reverse factoring could be
>considered as a combination of these two solutions,
>taking advantages of both in order to redistribute the
>benefits to all three actors. In order to better
>understand the process, it is necessary to look at the
>8 individual aspects of those three solutions:
>
>trade discount factoring reverse factoring
>Eligibility all invoices all invoices validated
>invoices
>Financement at the ordering party initiative at the
>supplier’s initiative at the ordering party initiative
>Sum financed 100% of the invoice (-discount) part of
>the invoice part of the invoice
>Interest rate depends on the supplier’s situation
>depends on the supplier’s situation depends on the
>ordering party’s situation
>Payment immediate due date due date
>Impact on the Need Working Cash negative none none
>Financial interests value of the discount (but
>involves cash outflow) none percentage of the discount
>Deployment to other suppliers slow (adaptation to each
>supplier) none fast
>Historic
>The concept itself of the reverse factoring is not
>that original. It is the automobile constructors who
>started to use it. Particularly, Fiat, as of the
>1980s’, used this kind of financing process for its
>suppliers in order to realise a better margin. The
>principle then spread to the retail industry because
>of the interest it represents for a sector where
>payment delays are at the heart of every negotiation.
>
>In the 1990s’, and the early 2000s’, the reverse
>factoring was not used a lot because of the economic
>contexts that did not allow it to be an efficient way
>of financing. Today however, because of the NTICs and
>various legal advances, it has become a very
>successful tool.
>
>An improvement of business relations
>In the basic invoicing or factoring framework, there
>are always some risks that threaten the invoices:
>
>fraudulent invoice (illegal, erroneous calculation, or
>typographical error)
>an underestimated time of payment delay
>an incorrect estimation on the object of the invoice
>(a service poorly executed)
>etc.
>By using the reverse factoring, these risks are
>materially reduced.
>
>Advantages
>For the supplier
>The supplier has its invoices paid earlier; therefore
>it can more easily manage its cashflow, and reduce by
>the way the costs of receivables management. Moreover,
>as it is the ordering party that puts its liability at
>stake, it benefits from a better interest rate on the
>trade discount than the one that would have been
>obtained by going directly to a factoring company. The
>reverse factoring is very useful for small companies
>that have for clients large groups, because it creates
>a more durable business relation as the big company
>helps the smaller one, and doing so gets some extra
>money. This opinion does not account for the poor
>relations caused by unilateral changes to credit
>terms. Smaller companies are generally not given a
>choice to accept the additional cost of finance
>imposed by this process. In a factoring process, if
>there is any problem concerning the payment of the
>invoice, it is the supplier that is liable, and has to
>give back the money he received. In the reverse
>factoring process, as it concerns validated invoices,
>as soon as the supplier receives the payment from the
>factor, the company is protected. The factor will have
>to get its money from the ordering party. Finally, in
>a trade discount system, the supplier is forced to be
>paid cash, regardless of its cash flow. Some reverse
>factoring platforms identified this problem, and
>therefore propose to the suppliers a more
>collaborative solution: they choose themselves the
>invoices they want to receive cash, the others will be
>paid at due date.[2]
>
>For the ordering party (the buyer)
>The reverse factoring permits to gather all the
>suppliers in one financier, and that way to pay one
>company instead of many, which eases the invoicing
>management. The relation with the suppliers benefiting
>of the reverse factoring is improved because they
>benefit from a better financing solution, and their
>payment delays are reduced; for its part, the ordering
>party will gain some extra money reversed by the
>factor and pay her invoices to the due date. Making
>suppliers benefit from such advantages can be a
>powerful leverage in negotiation, and also ensure a
>more durable relation with the suppliers. Moreover, it
>ensures that the suppliers will be able to find
>advantaging financing in case of cash flow problem:
>using reverse factoring assures that the suppliers
>will still be in business, and are reliable. With the
>reverse factoring, instead of paying numerous
>suppliers, most of the invoices are centralized with
>the same factor; it is always better for the accounts
>department to deal with one company to pay than
>several. This can also be simplified and speeded by
>using a reverse factoring platform combined with
>digitalization of business transactions (i.e. EDI).
>
>For the factor (the financier)
>By taking part in the reverse factoring process, the
>factor realizes a benefit by making available cash to
>the supplier and supporting in its place the delays of
>payment. However, in opposition to the factoring, in
>this situation the factor is in a more durable
>business relation as everyone benefits from it. Other
>advantage for the financier, is that he works directly
>with big ordering parties; it means that instead of
>going after each and every supplier of that company,
>he can reach faster and more easily all of the
>suppliers and do business with them. Therefore, the
>risk is less important: it passes from a lot of
>fragmented risks to one unique and less important.
>
>Optimization of the process
>Often the reverse factoring is used with the
>dematerialization to speed the process. As the whole
>goal of it is to make money available to the supplier
>as fast as possible, a lot of companies decide to
>dematerialize their invoices when they start a reverse
>factoring system, because that way it saves few more
>days, plus all the advantages of the dematerialization
>(less expensive, and benefic to the environment). In
>average, it can shorten the delays by 10 to 15 days.
>
>Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>The core principle of the reverse factoring is to have
>a way that benefits to all the actors. That way, it is
>necessary to have good relations with the other
>actors. The principal risk in reverse factoring is
>that the supplier gets trapped in a system where he
>cannot decide which invoices he need paid immediately
>or not, and therefore he becomes the victim of that
>system. Therefore, it is necessary to choose a
>collaborative platform that would permit the supplier
>to select which invoices they will be paid early, and
>when they will be paid.
[> [> Subject: Re: Reverse Factoring


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:36:47 01/27/19 Sun

>>Unlike traditional factoring, where a supplier wants
>>to finance its receivables, reverse factoring (or
>>supply chain financing) is a financing solution
>>initiated by the ordering party (the customer) in
>>order to help its suppliers to finance its receivables
>>more easily and at a lower interest rate than what
>>would normally be offered. In 2011, the reverse
>>factoring market was still very small, accounting for
>>less than 3% of the factoring market.[citation needed]
>>

Part of a series on
War
History[show]
Battlespace[show]
Weapons[show]
Tactics[show]
Operational[show]
Strategy[show]
Grand strategy[show]
Organization[show]
Personnel[show]
Logistics[show]
Related[show]
Lists[show]
vte
A world war is a large-scale war which affects the whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span multiple countries on multiple continents or just two countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted only as it is retrospectively applied to two major international conflicts that occurred during the 20th century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II (1939–45).


Contents
1 Origin of the term
2 First World War
3 Second World War
4 Third World War
5 Other global conflicts
5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
5.2 Wars spanning continents
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Origin of the term
The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper, The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term "world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate, Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France. Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish: världskrig), justifying this description by a line in an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term "world war" in the title of his anti-British novel, Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming Conquest of England.

In English, the term "First World War" had been used by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10, 1918.[3]

The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The first use for the actual war came in its issue of September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September 4, the day after France and the United Kingdom declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page, saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11 a.m."[5]

Speculative fiction authors had been noting the concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the "world war" terminology, for example; in French: "world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been used in the more abstract meaning of a global conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian: verdenskrig, and in Russian: мировая война (mirovaya voyna.)

First World War
Main article: World War I
World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of human technological history, the scale of World War I was enabled by the technological advances of the second industrial revolution and the resulting globalization that allowed global power projection and mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a scale have not been repeated since the onset of the Atomic Age and the resulting danger of mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized that the complex system of opposing alliances (the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out. Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two countries had the potential to set off a domino effect of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that the powers involved had large overseas empires virtually guaranteed that such a war would be worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a crucial strategic factor. The same strategic considerations also ensured that the combatants would strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian times.

War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical weapons were used in the First World War despite the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of over one million Armenians during the First World War.

Second World War
Main article: World War II

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides, most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada deported and interned minority groups within their own borders, and largely because of the conflict, many ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral nations without a declaration of war, such as the bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants suffered at least as badly as or worse than combatants, and the distinction between combatants and non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]

The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on the course of world history. The old European empires either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The United States became firmly established as the dominant global superpower, along with its ideological foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two superpowers exerted political influence over most of the world's nation-states for decades after the end of the Second World War. The modern international security, economic, and diplomatic system was created in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]

Institutions such as the United Nations were established to collectivize international affairs, with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the course of daily life. Technologies developed during wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin, nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation needed]

Third World War
Main article: World War III
Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki during the Second World War, there has been a widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third World War is generally considered a successor to the Second World War and is often suggested to become a nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much more violent than the First World War and the Second World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented that "I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned for by military and civil authorities and has been explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of the planet's surface.

Other global conflicts
See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
Various former government officials, politicians, authors, and military leaders (including the following people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9] Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War" and "Fourth World War" to various past and present global wars since the closing of the Second World War, for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror, respectively. Among these are former American, French, and Mexican government officials, military leaders, politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.

Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero" include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]

The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an official peace and the first democratic elections in 2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18] which led some commentators to characterize the situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]

Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I casualties
The two world wars of the 20th century had caused unprecedented casualties and destruction across the theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>
>
>
>Part of a series on
>War
>History[show]
>Battlespace[show]
>Weapons[show]
>Tactics[show]
>Operational[show]
>Strategy[show]
>Grand strategy[show]
>Organization[show]
>Personnel[show]
>Logistics[show]
>Related[show]
>Lists[show]
>vte
>A world war is a large-scale war which affects the
>whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span
>multiple countries on multiple continents or just two
>countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While
>a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively
>deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War
>on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted
>only as it is retrospectively applied to two major
>international conflicts that occurred during the 20th
>century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II
>(1939–45).
>
>
>Contents
>1 Origin of the term
>2 First World War
>3 Second World War
>4 Third World War
>5 Other global conflicts
>5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World
>War
>5.2 Wars spanning continents
>6 See also
>7 References
>8 External links
>Origin of the term
>The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known
>usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper,
>The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great
>powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term
>"world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate,
>Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published
>around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France.
>Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in
>Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish:
>världskrig), justifying this description by a line in
>an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i
>heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German
>writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term
>"world war" in the title of his anti-British novel,
>Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German
>Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming
>Conquest of England.
>
>In English, the term "First World War" had been used
>by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his
>memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his
>discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of
>Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10,
>1918.[3]
>
>The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on
>page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same
>article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first
>used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The
>first use for the actual war came in its issue of
>September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September
>4, the day after France and the United Kingdom
>declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper
>Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page,
>saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11
>a.m."[5]
>
>Speculative fiction authors had been noting the
>concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when
>Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of
>Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the
>"world war" terminology, for example; in French:
>"world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in
>German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been
>used in the more abstract meaning of a global
>conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and
>Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian:
>verdenskrig, and in Russian:
>мировая
>война (mirovaya voyna.)
>
>First World War
>Main article: World War I
>World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of
>human technological history, the scale of World War I
>was enabled by the technological advances of the
>second industrial revolution and the resulting
>globalization that allowed global power projection and
>mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a
>scale have not been repeated since the onset of the
>Atomic Age and the resulting danger of
>mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized
>that the complex system of opposing alliances (the
>German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against
>the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely
>to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out.
>Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two
>countries had the potential to set off a domino effect
>of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that
>the powers involved had large overseas empires
>virtually guaranteed that such a war would be
>worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a
>crucial strategic factor. The same strategic
>considerations also ensured that the combatants would
>strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the
>wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian times.
>
>War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical
>weapons were used in the First World War despite the
>Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the
>use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was
>responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of
>over one million Armenians during the First World War.
>
>Second World War
>Main article: World War II
>
>This section needs additional citations for
>verification. Please help improve this article by
>adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced
>material may be challenged and removed. (September
>2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template
>message)
>The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is
>the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been
>used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were
>devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United
>States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides,
>most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million
>Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada
>deported and interned minority groups within their own
>borders, and largely because of the conflict, many
>ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern
>Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral
>nations without a declaration of war, such as the
>bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its
>brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of
>war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians
>as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking
>massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were
>brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants
>suffered at least as badly as or worse than
>combatants, and the distinction between combatants and
>non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of
>total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]
>
>The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on
>the course of world history. The old European empires
>either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result
>of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their
>fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The
>United States became firmly established as the
>dominant global superpower, along with its ideological
>foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two
>superpowers exerted political influence over most of
>the world's nation-states for decades after the end of
>the Second World War. The modern international
>security, economic, and diplomatic system was created
>in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]
>
>Institutions such as the United Nations were
>established to collectivize international affairs,
>with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak
>of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the
>course of daily life. Technologies developed during
>wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as
>well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin,
>nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation
>needed]
>
>Third World War
>Main article: World War III
>Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
>during the Second World War, there has been a
>widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third
>World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third
>World War is generally considered a successor to the
>Second World War and is often suggested to become a
>nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much
>more violent than the First World War and the Second
>World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented
>that "I know not with what weapons World War III will
>be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks
>and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned
>for by military and civil authorities and has been
>explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have
>ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited
>use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of
>the planet's surface.
>
>Other global conflicts
>See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on
>Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi
>Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
>Various former government officials, politicians,
>authors, and military leaders (including the following
>people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9]
>Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have
>attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War"
>and "Fourth World War" to various past and present
>global wars since the closing of the Second World War,
>for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror,
>respectively. Among these are former American, French,
>and Mexican government officials, military leaders,
>politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none
>of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.
>
>Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero"
>include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the
>Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]
>
>The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations
>and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an
>official peace and the first democratic elections in
>2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World
>War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian
>Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide
>spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged
>between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18]
>which led some commentators to characterize the
>situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen
>countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]
>
>Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
>See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I
>casualties
>The two world wars of the 20th century had caused
>unprecedented casualties and destruction across the
>theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars
>that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the
>First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>>
>>Contents
>>1 A financing solution
>>2 Reverse factoring definition
>>3 The concept
>>4 Historic
>>5 An improvement of business relations
>>6 Advantages
>>6.1 For the supplier
>>6.2 For the ordering party (the buyer)
>>6.3 For the factor (the financier)
>>7 Optimization of the process
>>8 Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>>9 References
>>10 See also
>>A financing solution
>>The reverse factoring method, still rare, is similar
>>to the factoring insofar as it involves three actors:
>>the ordering party (customer), the supplier and the
>>factor. Just as basic factoring, the aim of the
>>process is to finance the supplier’s receivables by a
>>financier (the factor), so the supplier can cash in
>>the money for what he sold immediately (minus an
>>interest the factor deducts to finance the advance of
>>money).
>>
>>Contrary to the basic factoring, the initiative is not
>>from the supplier that would have presented her
>>invoices to the factor to be paid earlier. This time,
>>it is the ordering party (customer) that starts the
>>process – usually a large company – choosing invoices
>>that he will allow to be paid earlier by the factor.
>>And then, the supplier will himself choose which of
>>these invoices he will need to be paid by the factor.
>>It is therefore a really collaborative project between
>>the ordering party, the supplier and the factor.
>>
>>Because it is the ordering party that starts the
>>process, it is her liability that is engaged and
>>therefore the interest applied for the deduction is
>>less than the one the supplier would have been given
>>had he done it on her own. The ordering party will for
>>her part benefit of a part of the benefit realized by
>>the factor, because he is the one to allow this. And
>>the financier for his part will make his profit and
>>create a durable relation with both the supplier and
>>the ordering party.
>>
>>Reverse factoring definition
>>An alternative financing solution where a supplier
>>finances their receivables via a process started by
>>the ordering party, in order to help their suppliers
>>receive more favorable financial terms than they would
>>have otherwise received for operational and other
>>pass-thru costs incurred in providing services to the
>>ordering party.
>>
>>Reverse factoring is seen as an effective cash flow
>>optimization tool for companies outsourcing large
>>volume of services (e.g. clinical research activities
>>by Pharmaceutical companies[1]). The benefit to both
>>parties is that the company providing the services can
>>get the outstanding value of their invoices paid in 10
>>days or less vs. the normal 30- to 45-day payment
>>terms while the ordering party can delay the actual
>>payment of the invoices (which are paid to the bank)
>>by 120-180 days thus increasing cash flow. After the
>>initial period of cash flow optimization, it is
>>unclear if this will remain of value to the ordering
>>party because you will then be paying monthly invoices
>>of approximately equal amounts assuming your
>>outsourced services are stable/average across the
>>year/future periods. The cost of the "money" is a set
>>interest rate normally tied to an index plus a bps
>>adjustment.
>>
>>The concept
>>To fully understand how the reverse factoring process
>>works, one needs to be familiar with trade discounts
>>and factoring. Indeed, reverse factoring could be
>>considered as a combination of these two solutions,
>>taking advantages of both in order to redistribute the
>>benefits to all three actors. In order to better
>>understand the process, it is necessary to look at the
>>8 individual aspects of those three solutions:
>>
>>trade discount factoring reverse factoring
>>Eligibility all invoices all invoices validated
>>invoices
>>Financement at the ordering party initiative at the
>>supplier’s initiative at the ordering party initiative
>>Sum financed 100% of the invoice (-discount) part of
>>the invoice part of the invoice
>>Interest rate depends on the supplier’s situation
>>depends on the supplier’s situation depends on the
>>ordering party’s situation
>>Payment immediate due date due date
>>Impact on the Need Working Cash negative none none
>>Financial interests value of the discount (but
>>involves cash outflow) none percentage of the discount
>>Deployment to other suppliers slow (adaptation to each
>>supplier) none fast
>>Historic
>>The concept itself of the reverse factoring is not
>>that original. It is the automobile constructors who
>>started to use it. Particularly, Fiat, as of the
>>1980s’, used this kind of financing process for its
>>suppliers in order to realise a better margin. The
>>principle then spread to the retail industry because
>>of the interest it represents for a sector where
>>payment delays are at the heart of every negotiation.
>>
>>In the 1990s’, and the early 2000s’, the reverse
>>factoring was not used a lot because of the economic
>>contexts that did not allow it to be an efficient way
>>of financing. Today however, because of the NTICs and
>>various legal advances, it has become a very
>>successful tool.
>>
>>An improvement of business relations
>>In the basic invoicing or factoring framework, there
>>are always some risks that threaten the invoices:
>>
>>fraudulent invoice (illegal, erroneous calculation, or
>>typographical error)
>>an underestimated time of payment delay
>>an incorrect estimation on the object of the invoice
>>(a service poorly executed)
>>etc.
>>By using the reverse factoring, these risks are
>>materially reduced.
>>
>>Advantages
>>For the supplier
>>The supplier has its invoices paid earlier; therefore
>>it can more easily manage its cashflow, and reduce by
>>the way the costs of receivables management. Moreover,
>>as it is the ordering party that puts its liability at
>>stake, it benefits from a better interest rate on the
>>trade discount than the one that would have been
>>obtained by going directly to a factoring company. The
>>reverse factoring is very useful for small companies
>>that have for clients large groups, because it creates
>>a more durable business relation as the big company
>>helps the smaller one, and doing so gets some extra
>>money. This opinion does not account for the poor
>>relations caused by unilateral changes to credit
>>terms. Smaller companies are generally not given a
>>choice to accept the additional cost of finance
>>imposed by this process. In a factoring process, if
>>there is any problem concerning the payment of the
>>invoice, it is the supplier that is liable, and has to
>>give back the money he received. In the reverse
>>factoring process, as it concerns validated invoices,
>>as soon as the supplier receives the payment from the
>>factor, the company is protected. The factor will have
>>to get its money from the ordering party. Finally, in
>>a trade discount system, the supplier is forced to be
>>paid cash, regardless of its cash flow. Some reverse
>>factoring platforms identified this problem, and
>>therefore propose to the suppliers a more
>>collaborative solution: they choose themselves the
>>invoices they want to receive cash, the others will be
>>paid at due date.[2]
>>
>>For the ordering party (the buyer)
>>The reverse factoring permits to gather all the
>>suppliers in one financier, and that way to pay one
>>company instead of many, which eases the invoicing
>>management. The relation with the suppliers benefiting
>>of the reverse factoring is improved because they
>>benefit from a better financing solution, and their
>>payment delays are reduced; for its part, the ordering
>>party will gain some extra money reversed by the
>>factor and pay her invoices to the due date. Making
>>suppliers benefit from such advantages can be a
>>powerful leverage in negotiation, and also ensure a
>>more durable relation with the suppliers. Moreover, it
>>ensures that the suppliers will be able to find
>>advantaging financing in case of cash flow problem:
>>using reverse factoring assures that the suppliers
>>will still be in business, and are reliable. With the
>>reverse factoring, instead of paying numerous
>>suppliers, most of the invoices are centralized with
>>the same factor; it is always better for the accounts
>>department to deal with one company to pay than
>>several. This can also be simplified and speeded by
>>using a reverse factoring platform combined with
>>digitalization of business transactions (i.e. EDI).
>>
>>For the factor (the financier)
>>By taking part in the reverse factoring process, the
>>factor realizes a benefit by making available cash to
>>the supplier and supporting in its place the delays of
>>payment. However, in opposition to the factoring, in
>>this situation the factor is in a more durable
>>business relation as everyone benefits from it. Other
>>advantage for the financier, is that he works directly
>>with big ordering parties; it means that instead of
>>going after each and every supplier of that company,
>>he can reach faster and more easily all of the
>>suppliers and do business with them. Therefore, the
>>risk is less important: it passes from a lot of
>>fragmented risks to one unique and less important.
>>
>>Optimization of the process
>>Often the reverse factoring is used with the
>>dematerialization to speed the process. As the whole
>>goal of it is to make money available to the supplier
>>as fast as possible, a lot of companies decide to
>>dematerialize their invoices when they start a reverse
>>factoring system, because that way it saves few more
>>days, plus all the advantages of the dematerialization
>>(less expensive, and benefic to the environment). In
>>average, it can shorten the delays by 10 to 15 days.
>>
>>Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>>The core principle of the reverse factoring is to have
>>a way that benefits to all the actors. That way, it is
>>necessary to have good relations with the other
>>actors. The principal risk in reverse factoring is
>>that the supplier gets trapped in a system where he
>>cannot decide which invoices he need paid immediately
>>or not, and therefore he becomes the victim of that
>>system. Therefore, it is necessary to choose a
>>collaborative platform that would permit the supplier
>>to select which invoices they will be paid early, and
>>when they will be paid.
[> [> [> Subject: Re: Reverse Factoring


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:37:22 01/27/19 Sun

>>>Unlike traditional factoring, where a supplier wants
>>>to finance its receivables, reverse factoring (or
>>>supply chain financing) is a financing solution
>>>initiated by the ordering party (the customer) in
>>>order to help its suppliers to finance its
>receivables

rally considered a successor to the Second World War and is often suggested to become a nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much more violent than the First World War and the Second World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented that "I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned for by military and civil authorities and has been explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of the planet's surface.

Other global conflicts
See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
Various former government officials, politicians, authors, and military leaders (including the following people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9] Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War" and "Fourth World War" to various past and present global wars since the closing of the Second World War, for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror, respectively. Among these are former American, French, and Mexican government officials, military leaders, politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.

Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero" include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]

The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an official peace and the first democratic elections in 2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18] which led some commentators to characterize the situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]

Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I casualties
The two world wars of the 20th century had caused unprecedented casualties and destruction across the theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>>>more easily and at a lower interest rate than what
>>>would normally be offered. In 2011, the reverse
>>>factoring market was still very small, accounting for
>>>less than 3% of the factoring market.[citation
>needed]
>>>
>
>Part of a series on
>War
>History[show]
>Battlespace[show]
>Weapons[show]
>Tactics[show]
>Operational[show]
>Strategy[show]
>Grand strategy[show]
>Organization[show]
>Personnel[show]
>Logistics[show]
>Related[show]
>Lists[show]
>vte
>A world war is a large-scale war which affects the
>whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span
>multiple countries on multiple continents or just two
>countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While
>a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively
>deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War
>on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted
>only as it is retrospectively applied to two major
>international conflicts that occurred during the 20th
>century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II
>(1939–45).
>
>
>Contents
>1 Origin of the term
>2 First World War
>3 Second World War
>4 Third World War
>5 Other global conflicts
>5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World
>War
>5.2 Wars spanning continents
>6 See also
>7 References
>8 External links
>Origin of the term
>The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known
>usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper,
>The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great
>powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term
>"world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate,
>Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published
>around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France.
>Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in
>Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish:
>världskrig), justifying this description by a line in
>an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i
>heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German
>writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term
>"world war" in the title of his anti-British novel,
>Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German
>Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming
>Conquest of England.
>
>In English, the term "First World War" had been used
>by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his
>memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his
>discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of
>Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10,
>1918.[3]
>
>The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on
>page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same
>article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first
>used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The
>first use for the actual war came in its issue of
>September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September
>4, the day after France and the United Kingdom
>declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper
>Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page,
>saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11
>a.m."[5]
>
>Speculative fiction authors had been noting the
>concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when
>Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of
>Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the
>"world war" terminology, for example; in French:
>"world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in
>German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been
>used in the more abstract meaning of a global
>conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and
>Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian:
>verdenskrig, and in Russian:
>мировая
>война (mirovaya voyna.)
>
>First World War
>Main article: World War I
>World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of
>human technological history, the scale of World War I
>was enabled by the technological advances of the
>second industrial revolution and the resulting
>globalization that allowed global power projection and
>mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a
>scale have not been repeated since the onset of the
>Atomic Age and the resulting danger of
>mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized
>that the complex system of opposing alliances (the
>German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against
>the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely
>to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out.
>Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two
>countries had the potential to set off a domino effect
>of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that
>the powers involved had large overseas empires
>virtually guaranteed that such a war would be
>worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a
>crucial strategic factor. The same strategic
>considerations also ensured that the combatants would
>strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the
>wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian times.
>
>War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical
>weapons were used in the First World War despite the
>Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the
>use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was
>responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of
>over one million Armenians during the First World War.
>
>Second World War
>Main article: World War II
>
>This section needs additional citations for
>verification. Please help improve this article by
>adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced
>material may be challenged and removed. (September
>2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template
>message)
>The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is
>the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been
>used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were
>devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United
>States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides,
>most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million
>Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada
>deported and interned minority groups within their own
>borders, and largely because of the conflict, many
>ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern
>Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral
>nations without a declaration of war, such as the
>bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its
>brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of
>war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians
>as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking
>massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were
>brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants
>suffered at least as badly as or worse than
>combatants, and the distinction between combatants and
>non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of
>total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]
>
>The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on
>the course of world history. The old European empires
>either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result
>of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their
>fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The
>United States became firmly established as the
>dominant global superpower, along with its ideological
>foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two
>superpowers exerted political influence over most of
>the world's nation-states for decades after the end of
>the Second World War. The modern international
>security, economic, and diplomatic system was created
>in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]
>
>Institutions such as the United Nations were
>established to collectivize international affairs,
>with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak
>of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the
>course of daily life. Technologies developed during
>wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as
>well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin,
>nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation
>needed]
>
>Third World War
>Main article: World War III
>Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
>during the Second World War, there has been a
>widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third
>World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third
>World War is generally considered a successor to the
>Second World War and is often suggested to become a
>nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much
>more violent than the First World War and the Second
>World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented
>that "I know not with what weapons World War III will
>be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks
>and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned
>for by military and civil authorities and has been
>explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have
>ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited
>use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of
>the planet's surface.
>
>Other global conflicts
>See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on
>Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi
>Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
>Various former government officials, politicians,
>authors, and military leaders (including the following
>people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9]
>Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have
>attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War"
>and "Fourth World War" to various past and present
>global wars since the closing of the Second World War,
>for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror,
>respectively. Among these are former American, French,
>and Mexican government officials, military leaders,
>politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none
>of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.
>
>Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero"
>include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the
>Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]
>
>The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations
>and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an
>official peace and the first democratic elections in
>2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World
>War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian
>Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide
>spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged
>between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18]
>which led some commentators to characterize the
>situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen
>countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]
>
>Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
>See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I
>casualties
>The two world wars of the 20th century had caused
>unprecedented casualties and destruction across the
>theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars
>that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the
>First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>>
>>
>>
>>Part of a series on
>>War
>>History[show]
>>Battlespace[show]
>>Weapons[show]
>>Tactics[show]
>>Operational[show]
>>Strategy[show]
>>Grand strategy[show]
>>Organization[show]
>>Personnel[show]
>>Logistics[show]
>>Related[show]
>>Lists[show]
>>vte
>>A world war is a large-scale war which affects the
>>whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span
>>multiple countries on multiple continents or just two
>>countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While
>>a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively
>>deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War
>>on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted
>>only as it is retrospectively applied to two major
>>international conflicts that occurred during the 20th
>>century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II
>>(1939–45).
>>
>>
>>Contents
>>1 Origin of the term
>>2 First World War
>>3 Second World War
>>4 Third World War
>>5 Other global conflicts
>>5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World
>>War
>>5.2 Wars spanning continents
>>6 See also
>>7 References
>>8 External links
>>Origin of the term
>>The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known
>>usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper,
>>The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great
>>powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term
>>"world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate,
>>Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published
>>around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France.
>>Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in
>>Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish:
>>världskrig), justifying this description by a line in
>>an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i
>>heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German
>>writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term
>>"world war" in the title of his anti-British novel,
>>Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German
>>Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming
>>Conquest of England.
>>
>>In English, the term "First World War" had been used
>>by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his
>>memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his
>>discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of
>>Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10,
>>1918.[3]
>>
>>The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on
>>page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same
>>article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first
>>used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The
>>first use for the actual war came in its issue of
>>September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September
>>4, the day after France and the United Kingdom
>>declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper
>>Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page,
>>saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11
>>a.m."[5]
>>
>>Speculative fiction authors had been noting the
>>concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when
>>Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of
>>Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the
>>"world war" terminology, for example; in French:
>>"world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in
>>German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been
>>used in the more abstract meaning of a global
>>conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and
>>Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian:
>>verdenskrig, and in Russian:
>>мировая
>>война (mirovaya voyna.)
>>
>>First World War
>>Main article: World War I
>>World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of
>>human technological history, the scale of World War I
>>was enabled by the technological advances of the
>>second industrial revolution and the resulting
>>globalization that allowed global power projection and
>>mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a
>>scale have not been repeated since the onset of the
>>Atomic Age and the resulting danger of
>>mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized
>>that the complex system of opposing alliances (the
>>German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against
>>the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely
>>to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out.
>>Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two
>>countries had the potential to set off a domino effect
>>of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that
>>the powers involved had large overseas empires
>>virtually guaranteed that such a war would be
>>worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a
>>crucial strategic factor. The same strategic
>>considerations also ensured that the combatants would
>>strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the
>>wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian
>times.
>>
>>War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical
>>weapons were used in the First World War despite the
>>Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the
>>use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was
>>responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of
>>over one million Armenians during the First World War.
>>
>>Second World War
>>Main article: World War II
>>
>>This section needs additional citations for
>>verification. Please help improve this article by
>>adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced
>>material may be challenged and removed. (September
>>2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template
>>message)
>>The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is
>>the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been
>>used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were
>>devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United
>>States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides,
>>most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million
>>Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada
>>deported and interned minority groups within their own
>>borders, and largely because of the conflict, many
>>ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern
>>Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral
>>nations without a declaration of war, such as the
>>bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its
>>brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of
>>war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians
>>as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking
>>massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were
>>brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants
>>suffered at least as badly as or worse than
>>combatants, and the distinction between combatants and
>>non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of
>>total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]
>>
>>The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on
>>the course of world history. The old European empires
>>either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result
>>of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their
>>fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The
>>United States became firmly established as the
>>dominant global superpower, along with its ideological
>>foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two
>>superpowers exerted political influence over most of
>>the world's nation-states for decades after the end of
>>the Second World War. The modern international
>>security, economic, and diplomatic system was created
>>in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]
>>
>>Institutions such as the United Nations were
>>established to collectivize international affairs,
>>with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak
>>of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the
>>course of daily life. Technologies developed during
>>wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as
>>well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin,
>>nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation
>>needed]
>>
>>Third World War
>>Main article: World War III
>>Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
>>during the Second World War, there has been a
>>widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third
>>World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third
>>World War is generally considered a successor to the
>>Second World War and is often suggested to become a
>>nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much
>>more violent than the First World War and the Second
>>World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented
>>that "I know not with what weapons World War III will
>>be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks
>>and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned
>>for by military and civil authorities and has been
>>explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have
>>ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited
>>use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of
>>the planet's surface.
>>
>>Other global conflicts
>>See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on
>>Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi
>>Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
>>Various former government officials, politicians,
>>authors, and military leaders (including the following
>>people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9]
>>Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have
>>attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War"
>>and "Fourth World War" to various past and present
>>global wars since the closing of the Second World War,
>>for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror,
>>respectively. Among these are former American, French,
>>and Mexican government officials, military leaders,
>>politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none
>>of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.
>>
>>Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero"
>>include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the
>>Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]
>>
>>The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations
>>and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an
>>official peace and the first democratic elections in
>>2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World
>>War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian
>>Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide
>>spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged
>>between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18]
>>which led some commentators to characterize the
>>situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen
>>countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]
>>
>>Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
>>See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I
>>casualties
>>The two world wars of the 20th century had caused
>>unprecedented casualties and destruction across the
>>theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars
>>that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the
>>First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
>>>
>>>Contents
>>>1 A financing solution
>>>2 Reverse factoring definition
>>>3 The concept
>>>4 Historic
>>>5 An improvement of business relations
>>>6 Advantages
>>>6.1 For the supplier
>>>6.2 For the ordering party (the buyer)
>>>6.3 For the factor (the financier)
>>>7 Optimization of the process
>>>8 Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>>>9 References
>>>10 See also
>>>A financing solution
>>>The reverse factoring method, still rare, is similar
>>>to the factoring insofar as it involves three actors:
>>>the ordering party (customer), the supplier and the
>>>factor. Just as basic factoring, the aim of the
>>>process is to finance the supplier’s receivables by a
>>>financier (the factor), so the supplier can cash in
>>>the money for what he sold immediately (minus an
>>>interest the factor deducts to finance the advance of
>>>money).
>>>
>>>Contrary to the basic factoring, the initiative is
>not
>>>from the supplier that would have presented her
>>>invoices to the factor to be paid earlier. This time,
>>>it is the ordering party (customer) that starts the
>>>process – usually a large company – choosing invoices
>>>that he will allow to be paid earlier by the factor.
>>>And then, the supplier will himself choose which of
>>>these invoices he will need to be paid by the factor.
>>>It is therefore a really collaborative project
>between
>>>the ordering party, the supplier and the factor.
>>>
>>>Because it is the ordering party that starts the
>>>process, it is her liability that is engaged and
>>>therefore the interest applied for the deduction is
>>>less than the one the supplier would have been given
>>>had he done it on her own. The ordering party will
>for
>>>her part benefit of a part of the benefit realized by
>>>the factor, because he is the one to allow this. And
>>>the financier for his part will make his profit and
>>>create a durable relation with both the supplier and
>>>the ordering party.
>>>
>>>Reverse factoring definition
>>>An alternative financing solution where a supplier
>>>finances their receivables via a process started by
>>>the ordering party, in order to help their suppliers
>>>receive more favorable financial terms than they
>would
>>>have otherwise received for operational and other
>>>pass-thru costs incurred in providing services to the
>>>ordering party.
>>>
>>>Reverse factoring is seen as an effective cash flow
>>>optimization tool for companies outsourcing large
>>>volume of services (e.g. clinical research activities
>>>by Pharmaceutical companies[1]). The benefit to both
>>>parties is that the company providing the services
>can
>>>get the outstanding value of their invoices paid in
>10
>>>days or less vs. the normal 30- to 45-day payment
>>>terms while the ordering party can delay the actual
>>>payment of the invoices (which are paid to the bank)
>>>by 120-180 days thus increasing cash flow. After the
>>>initial period of cash flow optimization, it is
>>>unclear if this will remain of value to the ordering
>>>party because you will then be paying monthly
>invoices
>>>of approximately equal amounts assuming your
>>>outsourced services are stable/average across the
>>>year/future periods. The cost of the "money" is a set
>>>interest rate normally tied to an index plus a bps
>>>adjustment.
>>>
>>>The concept
>>>To fully understand how the reverse factoring process
>>>works, one needs to be familiar with trade discounts
>>>and factoring. Indeed, reverse factoring could be
>>>considered as a combination of these two solutions,
>>>taking advantages of both in order to redistribute
>the
>>>benefits to all three actors. In order to better
>>>understand the process, it is necessary to look at
>the
>>>8 individual aspects of those three solutions:
>>>
>>>trade discount factoring reverse factoring
>>>Eligibility all invoices all invoices validated
>>>invoices
>>>Financement at the ordering party initiative at the
>>>supplier’s initiative at the ordering party
>initiative
>>>Sum financed 100% of the invoice (-discount) part of
>>>the invoice part of the invoice
>>>Interest rate depends on the supplier’s situation
>>>depends on the supplier’s situation depends on the
>>>ordering party’s situation
>>>Payment immediate due date due date
>>>Impact on the Need Working Cash negative none none
>>>Financial interests value of the discount (but
>>>involves cash outflow) none percentage of the
>discount
>>>Deployment to other suppliers slow (adaptation to
>each
>>>supplier) none fast
>>>Historic
>>>The concept itself of the reverse factoring is not
>>>that original. It is the automobile constructors who
>>>started to use it. Particularly, Fiat, as of the
>>>1980s’, used this kind of financing process for its
>>>suppliers in order to realise a better margin. The
>>>principle then spread to the retail industry because
>>>of the interest it represents for a sector where
>>>payment delays are at the heart of every negotiation.
>>>
>>>In the 1990s’, and the early 2000s’, the reverse
>>>factoring was not used a lot because of the economic
>>>contexts that did not allow it to be an efficient way
>>>of financing. Today however, because of the NTICs and
>>>various legal advances, it has become a very
>>>successful tool.
>>>
>>>An improvement of business relations
>>>In the basic invoicing or factoring framework, there
>>>are always some risks that threaten the invoices:
>>>
>>>fraudulent invoice (illegal, erroneous calculation,
>or
>>>typographical error)
>>>an underestimated time of payment delay
>>>an incorrect estimation on the object of the invoice
>>>(a service poorly executed)
>>>etc.
>>>By using the reverse factoring, these risks are
>>>materially reduced.
>>>
>>>Advantages
>>>For the supplier
>>>The supplier has its invoices paid earlier; therefore
>>>it can more easily manage its cashflow, and reduce by
>>>the way the costs of receivables management.
>Moreover,
>>>as it is the ordering party that puts its liability
>at
>>>stake, it benefits from a better interest rate on the
>>>trade discount than the one that would have been
>>>obtained by going directly to a factoring company.
>The
>>>reverse factoring is very useful for small companies
>>>that have for clients large groups, because it
>creates
>>>a more durable business relation as the big company
>>>helps the smaller one, and doing so gets some extra
>>>money. This opinion does not account for the poor
>>>relations caused by unilateral changes to credit
>>>terms. Smaller companies are generally not given a
>>>choice to accept the additional cost of finance
>>>imposed by this process. In a factoring process, if
>>>there is any problem concerning the payment of the
>>>invoice, it is the supplier that is liable, and has
>to
>>>give back the money he received. In the reverse
>>>factoring process, as it concerns validated invoices,
>>>as soon as the supplier receives the payment from the
>>>factor, the company is protected. The factor will
>have
>>>to get its money from the ordering party. Finally, in
>>>a trade discount system, the supplier is forced to be
>>>paid cash, regardless of its cash flow. Some reverse
>>>factoring platforms identified this problem, and
>>>therefore propose to the suppliers a more
>>>collaborative solution: they choose themselves the
>>>invoices they want to receive cash, the others will
>be
>>>paid at due date.[2]
>>>
>>>For the ordering party (the buyer)
>>>The reverse factoring permits to gather all the
>>>suppliers in one financier, and that way to pay one
>>>company instead of many, which eases the invoicing
>>>management. The relation with the suppliers
>benefiting
>>>of the reverse factoring is improved because they
>>>benefit from a better financing solution, and their
>>>payment delays are reduced; for its part, the
>ordering
>>>party will gain some extra money reversed by the
>>>factor and pay her invoices to the due date. Making
>>>suppliers benefit from such advantages can be a
>>>powerful leverage in negotiation, and also ensure a
>>>more durable relation with the suppliers. Moreover,
>it
>>>ensures that the suppliers will be able to find
>>>advantaging financing in case of cash flow problem:
>>>using reverse factoring assures that the suppliers
>>>will still be in business, and are reliable. With the
>>>reverse factoring, instead of paying numerous
>>>suppliers, most of the invoices are centralized with
>>>the same factor; it is always better for the accounts
>>>department to deal with one company to pay than
>>>several. This can also be simplified and speeded by
>>>using a reverse factoring platform combined with
>>>digitalization of business transactions (i.e. EDI).
>>>
>>>For the factor (the financier)
>>>By taking part in the reverse factoring process, the
>>>factor realizes a benefit by making available cash to
>>>the supplier and supporting in its place the delays
>of
>>>payment. However, in opposition to the factoring, in
>>>this situation the factor is in a more durable
>>>business relation as everyone benefits from it. Other
>>>advantage for the financier, is that he works
>directly
>>>with big ordering parties; it means that instead of
>>>going after each and every supplier of that company,
>>>he can reach faster and more easily all of the
>>>suppliers and do business with them. Therefore, the
>>>risk is less important: it passes from a lot of
>>>fragmented risks to one unique and less important.
>>>
>>>Optimization of the process
>>>Often the reverse factoring is used with the
>>>dematerialization to speed the process. As the whole
>>>goal of it is to make money available to the supplier
>>>as fast as possible, a lot of companies decide to
>>>dematerialize their invoices when they start a
>reverse
>>>factoring system, because that way it saves few more
>>>days, plus all the advantages of the
>dematerialization
>>>(less expensive, and benefic to the environment). In
>>>average, it can shorten the delays by 10 to 15 days.
>>>
>>>Choosing the right reverse factoring solution
>>>The core principle of the reverse factoring is to
>have
>>>a way that benefits to all the actors. That way, it
>is
>>>necessary to have good relations with the other
>>>actors. The principal risk in reverse factoring is
>>>that the supplier gets trapped in a system where he
>>>cannot decide which invoices he need paid immediately
>>>or not, and therefore he becomes the victim of that
>>>system. Therefore, it is necessary to choose a
>>>collaborative platform that would permit the supplier
>>>to select which invoices they will be paid early, and
>>>when they will be paid.
Subject: World Wars


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:35:32 01/27/19 Sun


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A world war is a large-scale war which affects the whole world directly or indirectly. World wars span multiple countries on multiple continents or just two countries, with battles fought in many theaters. While a variety of global conflicts have been subjectively deemed "world wars", such as the Cold War and the War on Terror, the term is widely and usually accepted only as it is retrospectively applied to two major international conflicts that occurred during the 20th century: World War I (1914–18) and World War II (1939–45).


Contents
1 Origin of the term
2 First World War
3 Second World War
4 Third World War
5 Other global conflicts
5.1 Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
5.2 Wars spanning continents
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Origin of the term
The Oxford English Dictionary cited the first known usage in the English language to a Scottish newspaper, The People's Journal, in 1848: "A war among the great powers is now necessarily a world-war." The term "world war" is used by Karl Marx and his associate, Friedrich Engels,[1] in a series of articles published around 1850 called The Class Struggles in France. Rasmus B. Anderson in 1889 described an episode in Teutonic mythology as a “world war” (Swedish: världskrig), justifying this description by a line in an Old Norse epic poem, "Völuspá: folcvig fyrst i heimi" ("The first great war in the world".)[2] German writer August Wilhelm Otto Niemann had used the term "world war" in the title of his anti-British novel, Der Weltkrieg: Deutsche Träume (The World War: German Dreams) in 1904, published in English as The Coming Conquest of England.

In English, the term "First World War" had been used by Charles à Court Repington, as a title for his memoirs (published in 1920); he had noted his discussion on the matter with a Major Johnstone of Harvard University in his diary entry of September 10, 1918.[3]

The term "World War I" was coined by Time magazine on page 28b of its June 12, 1939 issue. In the same article, on page 32, the term "World War II" was first used speculatively to describe the upcoming war. The first use for the actual war came in its issue of September 11, 1939.[4] One week earlier, on September 4, the day after France and the United Kingdom declared war on Germany, the Danish newspaper Kristeligt Dagblad used the term on its front page, saying "The Second World War broke out yesterday at 11 a.m."[5]

Speculative fiction authors had been noting the concept of a Second World War in 1919 and 1920, when Milo Hastings wrote his dystopian novel, City of Endless Night. Other languages have also adopted the "world war" terminology, for example; in French: "world war" is translated as guerre mondiale, in German: Weltkrieg (which, prior to the war, had been used in the more abstract meaning of a global conflict), in Italian: guerra mondiale, in Spanish and Portuguese: guerra mundial, in Danish and Norwegian: verdenskrig, and in Russian: мировая война (mirovaya voyna.)

First World War
Main article: World War I
World War I occurred from 1914 to 1918. In terms of human technological history, the scale of World War I was enabled by the technological advances of the second industrial revolution and the resulting globalization that allowed global power projection and mass production of military hardware. Wars on such a scale have not been repeated since the onset of the Atomic Age and the resulting danger of mutually-assured destruction. It had been recognized that the complex system of opposing alliances (the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires against the British, Russian, and French Empires) was likely to lead to a worldwide conflict if a war broke out. Due to this fact, a very minute conflict between two countries had the potential to set off a domino effect of alliances, triggering a world war. The fact that the powers involved had large overseas empires virtually guaranteed that such a war would be worldwide, as the colonies' resources would be a crucial strategic factor. The same strategic considerations also ensured that the combatants would strike at each other's colonies, thus spreading the wars far more widely than those of pre-Columbian times.

War crimes were perpetrated in World War I. Chemical weapons were used in the First World War despite the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 having outlawed the use of such weapons in warfare. The Ottoman Empire was responsible for the Armenian genocide, the death of over one million Armenians during the First World War.

Second World War
Main article: World War II

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The Second World War occurred from 1939 to 1945 and is the only conflict in which atomic bombs have been used. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in Japan, were devastated by atomic bombs dropped by the United States. Nazi Germany was responsible for genocides, most notably the Holocaust, the killing of six million Jews. The United States, the Soviet Union, and Canada deported and interned minority groups within their own borders, and largely because of the conflict, many ethnic Germans were later expelled from Eastern Europe. Japan was responsible for attacking neutral nations without a declaration of war, such as the bombing of Pearl Harbor. It is also known for its brutal treatment and killing of Allied prisoners of war and the inhabitants of Asia. It also used Asians as forced laborers and was responsible for the Nanking massacre where 250,000 civilians in the city were brutally murdered by Japanese troops. Non-combatants suffered at least as badly as or worse than combatants, and the distinction between combatants and non-combatants was often blurred by belligerents of total war in both conflicts.[citation needed]

The outcome of World War II had a profound effect on the course of world history. The old European empires either collapsed or were dismantled as a direct result of the wars' crushing costs and, in some cases, their fall was due to the defeat of imperial powers. The United States became firmly established as the dominant global superpower, along with its ideological foe, the Soviet Union, in close competition. The two superpowers exerted political influence over most of the world's nation-states for decades after the end of the Second World War. The modern international security, economic, and diplomatic system was created in the aftermath of the wars.[citation needed]

Institutions such as the United Nations were established to collectivize international affairs, with the explicit goal of preventing another outbreak of general war. The wars had also greatly changed the course of daily life. Technologies developed during wartime had a profound effect on peacetime life as well, such as by advances in jet aircraft, penicillin, nuclear energy, and electronic computers.[citation needed]

Third World War
Main article: World War III
Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki during the Second World War, there has been a widespread and prolonged fear of a potential Third World War between nuclear-armed powers. The Third World War is generally considered a successor to the Second World War and is often suggested to become a nuclear war, devastating in nature and likely much more violent than the First World War and the Second World War combined; in 1947, Albert Einstein commented that "I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones."[6][7] It has been anticipated and planned for by military and civil authorities and has been explored in fiction in many countries. Concepts have ranged from purely-conventional scenarios, to limited use of nuclear weapons, to the complete destruction of the planet's surface.

Other global conflicts
See also: American Revolutionary War, Cold War, War on Terror, Second Congo War, Syrian Civil War, Iraqi Civil War (2014–2017), and Cold War II
Various former government officials, politicians, authors, and military leaders (including the following people: James Woolsey[8] Alexandre de Marenches,[9] Eliot Cohen,[10] and Subcomandante Marcos[11]) have attempted to apply the labels of the "Third World War" and "Fourth World War" to various past and present global wars since the closing of the Second World War, for example, the Cold War and the War on Terror, respectively. Among these are former American, French, and Mexican government officials, military leaders, politicians, and authors: Despite their efforts, none of these wars are commonly deemed world wars.

Wars described by some historians as "World War Zero" include the Seven Years' War[12] and the onset of the Late Bronze Age collapse.[13]

The Second Congo War (1998–2003) involved nine nations and led to ongoing low-level warfare despite an official peace and the first democratic elections in 2006. It has often been referred to as "Africa's World War".[14] During the early-21st century the Syrian Civil War and the Iraqi Civil War and their worldwide spillovers are sometimes described as proxy wars waged between the United States and Russia,[15][16][17][18] which led some commentators to characterize the situation as a "proto-world war" with nearly a dozen countries embroiled in two overlapping conflicts.[19]

Wars with higher death tolls than the First World War
See also: List of wars by death toll and World War I casualties
The two world wars of the 20th century had caused unprecedented casualties and destruction across the theaters of conflict.[20] There have been several wars that occurred with as many or more deaths than in the First World War (16,563,868–40,000,000), including:
Subject: Economic


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:35:00 01/27/19 Sun


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An economy (from Greek οίκος – "household" and νέμoμαι – "manage") is an area of the production, distribution, or trade,[1] and consumption of goods and services by different agents. Understood in its broadest sense, 'The economy is defined as a social domain that emphasises the practices, discourses, and material expressions associated with the production, use, and management of resources'.[2] Economic agents can be individuals, businesses, organizations, or governments. Economic transactions occur when two parties agree to the value or price of the transacted good or service, commonly expressed in a certain currency. However, monetary transactions only account for a small part of the economic domain.

Economic activity is spurred by production which uses natural resources, labor, and capital. It has changed over time due to technology (automation, accelerator of process, reduction of cost functions), innovation (new products, services, processes, expanding markets, diversification of markets, niche markets, increases revenue functions) such as, that which produces intellectual property and changes in industrial relations (for example, child labor being replaced in some parts of the world with universal access to education).

A given economy is the result of a set of processes that involves its culture, values, education, technological evolution, history, social organization, political structure and legal systems, as well as its geography, natural resource endowment, and ecology, as main factors. These factors give context, content, and set the conditions and parameters in which an economy functions. In other words, the economic domain is a social domain of human practices and transactions. It does not stand alone.

A market-based economy is one where goods and services are produced and exchanged according to demand and supply between participants (economic agents) by barter or a medium of exchange with a credit or debit value accepted within the network, such as a unit of currency.

A command-based economy is one where political agents directly control what is produced and how it is sold and distributed.

A green economy is low-carbon, resource efficient, and socially inclusive. In a green economy, growth in income and employment is driven by public and private investments that reduce carbon emissions and pollution, enhance energy and resource efficiency, and prevent the loss of biodiversity and ecosystem services.[3]

A gig economy is one in which short-term jobs are assigned via online platforms.[4]


Contents
1 Range
2 Etymology
3 History
3.1 Ancient times
3.2 Middle ages
3.3 Early modern times
3.4 The Industrial Revolution
3.5 Recognition of the concept of “the economy”
3.6 Late 20th – beginning of 21st century
4 Economic phases of precedence
5 Economic measures
5.1 GDP
6 Informal economy
7 Economic research
8 See also
9 References
10 Bibliography
11 Further reading
Range
Today the range of fields of study examining the economy revolves around the social science of economics, but may include sociology (economic sociology), history (economic history), anthropology (economic anthropology), and geography (economic geography). Practical fields directly related to the human activities involving production, distribution, exchange, and consumption of goods and services as a whole are engineering, management, business administration, applied science, and finance.

All professions, occupations, economic agents or economic activities, contribute to the economy. Consumption, saving, and investment are variable components in the economy that determine macroeconomic equilibrium. There are three main sectors of economic activity: primary, secondary, and tertiary.

Due to the growing importance of the economical sector in modern times,[5] the term real economy is used by analysts[6][7] as well as politicians[8] to denote the part of the economy that is concerned with the actual production of goods and services,[9] as ostensibly contrasted with the paper economy, or the financial side of the economy,[10] which is concerned with buying and selling on the financial markets. Alternate and long-standing terminology distinguishes measures of an economy expressed in real values (adjusted for inflation), such as real GDP, or in nominal values (unadjusted for inflation).[11]

Etymology
The English words "economy" and "economics" can be traced back to the Greek word οἰκονόμος (i.e. "household management"), a composite word derived from οἶκος ("house;household;home") and νέμω ("manage; distribute;to deal out;dispense") by way of οἰκονομία ("household management").

The first recorded sense of the word "economy" is in the phrase "the management of œconomic affairs", found in a work possibly composed in a monastery in 1440. "Economy" is later recorded in more general senses, including "thrift" and "administration".

The most frequently used current sense, denoting "the economic system of a country or an area", seems not to have developed until the 1650s.[12]

History
Ancient times

Storage room, Palace of Knossos.
See also: Palace economy
As long as someone has been making, supplying and distributing goods or services, there has been some sort of economy; economies grew larger as societies grew and became more complex. Sumer developed a large-scale economy based on commodity money, while the Babylonians and their neighboring city states later developed the earliest system of economics as we think of, in terms of rules/laws on debt, legal contracts and law codes relating to business practices, and private property.[13]

The Babylonians and their city state neighbors developed forms of economics comparable to currently used civil society (law) concepts.[14] They developed the first known codified legal and administrative systems, complete with courts, jails, and government records.

The ancient economy was mainly based on subsistence farming. The Shekel referred to an ancient unit of weight and currency. The first usage of the term came from Mesopotamia circa 3000 BC., and referred to a specific mass of barley which related other values in a metric such as silver, bronze, copper etc. A barley/shekel was originally both a unit of currency and a unit of weight, just as the British Pound was originally a unit denominating a one-pound mass of silver.

For most people, the exchange of goods occurred through social relationships. There were also traders who bartered in the marketplaces. In Ancient Greece, where the present English word 'economy' originated, many people were bond slaves of the freeholders. The economic discussion was driven by scarcity.

Middle ages

10 Ducats (1621), minted as circulating currency by the Fugger Family.
In Medieval times, what we now call economy was not far from the subsistence level. Most exchange occurred within social groups. On top of this, the great conquerors raised venture capital (from ventura, ital.; risk) to finance their captures. The capital should be refunded by the goods they would bring up in the New World.The discoveries of Marco Polo (1254–1324), Christopher Columbus (1451–1506) and Vasco da Gama (1469–1524) led to a first global economy. The first enterprises were trading establishments. In 1513, the first stock exchange was founded in Antwerpen. Economy at the time meant primarily trade.

Early modern times
The European captures became branches of the European states, the so-called colonies. The rising nation-states Spain, Portugal, France, Great Britain and the Netherlands tried to control the trade through custom duties and (from mercator, lat.: merchant) was a first approach to intermediate between private wealth and public interest. The secularization in Europe allowed states to use the immense property of the church for the development of towns. The influence of the nobles decreased. The first Secretaries of State for economy started their work. Bankers like Amschel Mayer Rothschild (1773–1855) started to finance national projects such as wars and infrastructure. Economy from then on meant national economy as a topic for the economic activities of the citizens of a state.

The Industrial Revolution

Sächsische Maschinenfabrik in Chemnitz, Germany, 1868
Main article: Industrial Revolution
The first economist in the true modern meaning of the word was the Scotsman Adam Smith (1723–1790) who was inspired partly by the ideas of physiocracy, a reaction to mercantilism and also later Economics student, Adam Mari.[15] He defined the elements of a national economy: products are offered at a natural price generated by the use of competition - supply and demand - and the division of labor. He maintained that the basic motive for free trade is human self-interest. The so-called self-interest hypothesis became the anthropological basis for economics. Thomas Malthus (1766–1834) transferred the idea of supply and demand to the problem of overpopulation.

The Industrial Revolution was a period from the 18th to the 19th century where major changes in agriculture, manufacturing, mining, and transport had a profound effect on the socioeconomic and cultural conditions starting in the United Kingdom, then subsequently spreading throughout Europe, North America, and eventually the world. The onset of the Industrial Revolution marked a major turning point in human history; almost every aspect of daily life was eventually influenced in some way. In Europe wild capitalism started to replace the system of mercantilism (today: protectionism) and led to economic growth. The period today is called industrial revolution because the system of Production, production and division of labor enabled the mass production of goods.
Subject: Infnat Industry


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:34:24 01/27/19 Sun


Alexander Hamilton first codified the infant industry argument
The infant industry argument is an economic rationale for trade protectionism. The core of the argument is that nascent industries often do not have the economies of scale that their older competitors from other countries may have, and thus need to be protected until they can attain similar economies of scale. The argument was first fully articulated by Alexander Hamilton in his 1790 Report on Manufactures, was systematically developed by Daniel Raymond,[1] and was later picked up by Friedrich List in his 1841 work The National System of Political Economy, following his exposure to the idea during his residence in the United States in the 1820s.[1]

Many countries have successfully industrialized behind tariff barriers. For example, from 1816 through 1945, tariffs in the United States were among the highest in the world.[1] According to Ha-Joon Chang, "almost all of today's rich countries used tariff protection and subsidies to develop their industries".[2]

Despite this, infant industry protection is controversial as a policy recommendation. As with the other economic rationales for protectionism, it is often abused by rent seeking interests. Even when infant industry protection is well–intentioned, it is difficult for governments to know which industries they should protect; "infant" industries may never "grow up" relative to "adult" foreign competitors. For example, during the 1980s Brazil enforced strict controls on the import of foreign computers in an effort to nurture its own "infant" computer industry. This industry never matured; the technological gap between Brazil and the rest of the world actually widened, while the protected industries merely copied low-end foreign computers and sold them at inflated prices.[3] In addition, countries that put up barriers to imports will often face retaliatory barriers to their exports, potentially hurting the same industries that infant industry protection is intended to help.

Ernesto Zedillo, in his 2000 report to the UN Secretary-General, recommended "legitimising limited, time-bound protection for certain industries by countries in the early stages of industrialisation", arguing that "however misguided the old model of blanket protection intended to nurture import substitute industries, it would be a mistake to go to the other extreme and deny developing countries the opportunity of actively nurturing the development of an industrial sector".[4]
Subject: Jobless Recovery


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:33:46 01/27/19 Sun

A jobless recovery or jobless growth is an economic phenomenon in which a macroeconomy experiences growth while maintaining or decreasing its level of employment. The term was coined by the economist Nick Perna in the early 1990s.[1][2]


Contents
1 Causes
1.1 Industrial consolidation
2 Population growth vs. employment growth
3 See also
4 Notes and references
5 External links
Causes
Economists are still divided about the causes and cures of a jobless recovery: some argue that increased productivity through automation has allowed economic growth without reducing unemployment.[3] Other economists state that blaming automation is an example of the luddite fallacy[4] and that jobless recoveries stem from structural changes in the labor market, leading to unemployment as workers change jobs or industries.[5]

Industrial consolidation
Some have argued that the recent lack of job creation in the United States is due to increased industrial consolidation and growth of monopoly or oligopoly power.[6] The argument is twofold: firstly, small businesses create most American jobs, and secondly, small businesses have more difficulty starting and growing in the face of entrenched existing businesses (compare infant industry argument, applied at the level of industries, rather than individual firms).

Population growth vs. employment growth
US Employment growth vs Population Growth by decade.jpg
In addition to employment growth, population growth must also be considered concerning the perception of jobless recoveries. Immigrants and new entrants to the workforce will often accept lower wages, causing persistent unemployment among those who were previously employed.[7][8]

Surprisingly, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) does not offer data-sets isolated to the working-age population (ages 16 to 65).[9] Including retirement age individuals in most BLS data-sets may tend to obfuscate the analysis of employment creation in relation to population growth.[10] Additionally, incorrect assumptions about the term, Labor force, might also occur when reading BLS publications, millions of employable persons are not included within the official definition. The Labor force, as defined by the BLS,[11] is a strict definition of those officially unemployed (U-3),[12] and those who are officially employed (1 hour or more).[
Subject: Unemployment


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:29:42 01/27/19 Sun

Involuntary unemployment occurs when a person is willing to work at the prevailing wage yet is unemployed. Involuntary unemployment is distinguished from voluntary unemployment, where workers choose not to work because their reservation wage is higher than the prevailing wage. In an economy with involuntary unemployment there is a surplus of labor at the current real wage. Involuntary unemployment cannot be represented with a basic supply and demand model at a competitive equilibrium: All workers on the labor supply curve above the market wage would voluntarily choose not to work, and all those below the market wage would be employed. Given the basic supply and demand model, involuntarily unemployed workers lie somewhere off of the labor supply curve.[1] Economists have several theories explaining the possibility of involuntary unemployment including implicit contract theory, disequilibrium theory, staggered wage setting, and efficiency wages.[1]


Contents
1 Explanations
2 Perspectives
3 Citations
4 References
Explanations
Chart showing the relationship of the non-shirking condition and full employment.
In the Shapiro-Stiglitz model workers are paid at a level where they do not shirk. This prevents wages from dropping to market clearing levels. Full employment cannot be achieved because workers would slack off if they were not threatened with the possibility of unemployment. The curve for the no-shirking condition (labeled NSC) goes to infinity at full employment.
Models based on implicit contract theory, like that of Azariadis (1975), are based on the hypothesis that labor contracts make it difficult for employers to cut wages. Employers often resort to layoffs rather than implement wage reductions. Azariadis showed that given risk-averse workers and risk-neutral employers, contracts with the possibility of layoff would be the optimal outcome.[2]

Efficiency wage models suggest that employers pay their workers above market clearing wages in order to enhance their productivity.[1] In efficiency wage models based on shirking, employers are worried that workers may shirk knowing that they can simply move to another job if they are caught. Employers make shirking costly by paying workers more than the wages they would receive elsewhere. This gives workers an incentive not to shirk.[1] When all firms behave this way, an equilibrium is reached where there are unemployed workers willing to work at prevailing wages.[3]


Chart representing Malinvaud's typology includes a region with Keynesian unemployment, where there is an excess supply of goods and labor, and a region of classical unemployment, where there is an excess supply of labor and excess demand for goods.[4]
Following earlier disequilibrium research including that of Robert Barro and Herschel Grossman, work by Edmond Malinvaud clarified the distinction between classical unemployment, where real wages are too high for markets to clear, and Keynesian unemployment, involuntary unemployment due to inadequate aggregate demand.[1] In Malinvaud's model, classical unemployment is remedied by cutting the real wage while Keynesian unemployment requires an exogenous stimulus in demand.[5] Unlike implicit contrary theory and efficiency wages, this line of research does not rely on a higher than market-clearing wage level. This type of involuntary unemployment is consistent with Keynes's definition while efficiency wages and implicit contract theory do not fit well with Keynes's focus on demand deficiency.[6]

Perspectives
See also: Shapiro–Stiglitz theory
For many economists, involuntary unemployment is a real-world phenomenon of central importance to economics. Many economic theories have been motivated by the desire to understand and control involuntary unemployment.[7] However, acceptance of the concept of involuntary unemployment isn't universal among economists.[who?] Some do not accept it as a real or coherent aspect of economic theory.[who?]

Shapiro and Stiglitz, developers of an influential shirking model, stated "To us, involuntary unemployment is a real and important phenomenon with grave social consequences that needs to be explained and understood."[8]

Mancur Olson argued that real world events like the Great Depression could not be understood without the concept of involuntary unemployment. He argued against economists who denied involuntary unemployment and put their theories ahead of "common sense and the observations and experiences of literally hundreds of millions of people... that there is also involuntary unemployment and that it is by no means an isolated or rare phenomenon".[9]

Other economists do not believe that true involuntary unemployment exists[10] or question its relevance to economic theory. Robert Lucas claims "...there is an involuntary element in all unemployment in the sense that no one chooses bad luck over good; there is also a voluntary element in all unemployment, in the sense that, however miserable one's current work options, one can always choose to accept them"[11] and "the unemployed worker at any time can always find some job at once".[11] Lucas dismissed the need for theorists to explain involuntary unemployment since it is "not a fact or a phenomenon which it is the task of theorists to explain. It is, on the contrary, a theoretical construct which Keynes introduced in the hope it would be helpful in discovering a correct explanation for a genuine phenomenon: large-scale fluctuations in measured, total unemployment."[12] Along those lines real business cycle and other models from Lucas's new classical school explain fluctuations in employment by shifts in labor supply driven by changes in workers' productivity and preferences for leisure.[1]

Involuntary unemployment is also conceptually problematic with search and matching theories of unemployment. In these models, unemployment is voluntary in the sense that a worker might choose to endure unemployment during a long search for a higher paying job than those immediately available; however, there is an involuntary element in the sense that a worker does not have control of the economic circumstances that force them to look for new work in the first place.[13]
Subject: Modern


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:28:39 01/27/19 Sun

Versus postmodernity
Social theorists and sociologists such as Scott Lash, Ulrich Beck, Zygmunt Bauman and Anthony Giddens maintain (against postmodernists) that modernization continues into the contemporary era, which is thus better conceived as a radical state of late modernity.[2] On technological and social changes since the 1960s, the concept of "late modernity" proposes that contemporary societies are a clear continuation of modern institutional transitions and cultural developments. Such authors talk about a reflexive modernization process: in Giddens' words, "social practices are constantly examined and reformed in the light of incoming information about those very practices, thus constitutively altering their character".[3] Modernity now tends to be self-referring, instead of being defined largely in opposition to traditionalism, as with classical modernity.

Anthony Giddens does not dispute that important changes have occurred since "high" modernity, but he argues that we have not truly abandoned modernity. Rather, the modernity of contemporary society is a developed, radicalized, 'late' modernity—but still modernity, not postmodernity. In such a perspective, postmodernism appears only as a hyper-technological version of modernity.'[4]

Subjects
The subject is constructed in late modernity against the backdrop of a fragmented world of competing and contrasting identities[5] and life-style cultures.[6] The framing matrix of the late modern personality is the ambiguous way the fluid social relations of late modernity impinge on the individual, producing a reflexive and multiple self.[7]

Liquid modernity
Zygmunt Bauman, who introduced the idea of liquid modernity, wrote that its characteristics are about the individual, namely increasing feelings of uncertainty and the privatization of ambivalence. It is a kind of chaotic continuation of modernity, where a person can shift from one social position to another in a fluid manner. Nomadism becomes a general trait of the 'liquid modern' man as he flows through his own life like a tourist, changing places, jobs, spouses, values and sometimes more—such as political or sexual orientation—excluding himself from traditional networks of support, while also freeing himself from the restrictions or requirements those networks impose.

Bauman stressed the new burden of responsibility that fluid modernism placed on the individual—traditional patterns would be replaced by self-chosen ones.[8] Entry into the globalized society was open to anyone with their own stance and the ability to fund it, in a similar way as was the reception of travellers at the old-fashioned caravanserai.[9] The result is a normative mindset with emphasis on shifting rather than on staying—on provisional in lieu of permanent (or 'solid') commitment—which (the new style) can lead a person astray towards a prison of their own existential creation.[10
Subject: Industrial Society


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:27:26 01/27/19 Sun

In sociology, the post-industrial society is the stage of society's development when the service sector generates more wealth than the manufacturing sector of the economy.

The term was originated by Alain Touraine and is closely related to similar sociological theoretical constructs such as post-Fordism, information society, knowledge economy, post-industrial economy, liquid modernity, and network society. They all can be used in economics or social science disciplines as a general theoretical backdrop in research design.

As the term has been used, a few common themes, including the ones below have begun to emerge.

The economy undergoes a transition from the production of goods to the provision of services.
Knowledge becomes a valued form of capital; see Human capital.
Producing ideas is the main way to grow the economy.
Through processes of globalization and automation, the value and importance to the economy of blue-collar, unionized work, including manual labor (e.g., assembly-line work) decline, and those of professional workers (e.g., scientists, creative-industry professionals, and IT professionals) grow in value and prevalence.
Behavioral and information sciences and technologies are developed and implemented. (e.g., behavioral economics, information architecture, cybernetics, game theory and information theory.)

Contents
1 Origins
2 Valuation of knowledge
3 Creativity culture
4 Critics
4.1 Neologism
4.2 Social critique
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
Origins
Daniel Bell popularized the term through his 1974 work The Coming of Post-Industrial Society.[2] Although some have credited Bell with coining the term,[3] French sociologist Alain Touraine published in 1969 the first major work on the post-industrial society. The term was also used extensively by social philosopher Ivan Illich in his 1973 paper Tools for Conviviality and appears occasionally in Leftist texts throughout the mid-to-late 1960s.[4]

The term has grown and changed as it became mainstream. The term is now used by admen such as Seth Godin,[5] public policy PhDs such as Keith Boeckelman,[6] and sociologists such as Neil Fligstein and Ofer Sharone.[7] Former U.S. President Bill Clinton even used the term to describe Chinese growth in a round-table discussion in Shanghai in 1998.[8]

Valuation of knowledge
The post-industrialized society is marked by an increased valuation of knowledge. This itself is unsurprising, having been foreshadowed in Daniel Bell's presumption as to how economic employment patterns will evolve in such societies. He asserts employment will grow faster in the tertiary (and quaternary) sector relative to employment in the primary and secondary sector and that the tertiary (and quaternary) sectors will take precedence in the economy. This will continue to occur such that the“impact of the expert”will expand and power will be monopolized by knowledge.[9]

As tertiary and quaternary sector positions are essentially knowledge-oriented, this will result in a restructuring of education, at least in its nuances. The“new power… of the expert”consequently gives rise to the growing role of universities and research institutes in post-industrial societies.[9] Post-industrial societies themselves become oriented around these places of knowledge production and production of experts as their new foci. Consequently, the greatest beneficiaries in the post-industrial society are young urban professionals. As a new, educated, and politicized generation more impassioned by liberalism, social justice, and environmentalism the shift of power into their hands, as a result of their knowledge endowments, is often cited as a good thing.[10][11]

The increasing importance of knowledge in post-industrial societies results in a general increase in expertise through the economy and throughout society. In this manner, it eliminates what Alan Banks and Jim Foster identify as “undesirable work as well as the grosser forms of poverty and inequality.” This effect is supplemented by the aforementioned movement of power into the hands of young educated people concerned with social justice.[11]

Economists at Berkeley have studied the value of knowledge as a form of capital, adding value to material capital, such as a factory or a truck. Speaking along the same lines of their argument, the addition or 'production' of knowledge, could become the basis of what would undoubtedly be considered 'post-industrial' policies meant to deliver economic growth.[12]

Creativity culture
Similarly, post-industrial society has serviced the creative culture. Many of those most well-equipped to thrive in an increasingly technological society are young adults with tertiary education. As education itself becomes more and more oriented towards producing people capable of answering the need for self-actualization, creativity, and self-expression, successive generations become more endowed with the ability to contribute to and perpetuate such industries. This nuanced change in education, as well among the emerging class of young professionals, is itself initiated by what James D Wright identifies as an “unprecedented economic affluence and the satiation of basic material needs.”[10] Ellen Dunham-Jones as well observes this feature of post-industrial society where “abundant goods [are] equitably distributed [in order that] laborless leisure and self-determination” can be consumed.[13]

The post-industrial society is repeatedly stressed to be one where knowledge is power and technology is the instrument.[9] Naturally, where one is creatively inclined, they are advantaged by such a society. The doctrine of “speed, mobility, and malleability” is well suited to a dynamic creative industry and as industries of good production decrease in precedence, the way is paved for artists, musicians, and other such types, whose skills are better utilized by the tertiary and quaternary sector.[13] Urban geographer Trevor Barnes, in his work outlining the Vancouver experience in post-war development, evokes the post-industrial condition, citing the emergence and consolidation of a significant video games industry as a constituent of the elite service sector.[14]

This increased faculty of the post-industrialist society with respects to the creative industry is itself reflected by the economic history of post-industrial societies. As economic activities shift from primarily primary and secondary sector-based to tertiary, and later quaternary, sector-based, cities in which this shift occurs become more open to exchanges of information.[15] This is necessitated by the demands of a tertiary and quaternary sector: in order to better service an industry focused on finance, education, communication, management, training, engineering, and aesthetic design, the city must become points of exchange capable of providing the most updated information from across the globe. Conversely, as cities become a convergence of international ideas, the tertiary and quaternary sector can be expected to grow.[14][15]

A virtual cult of 'creatives' have sprung up embodying and often describing and defending the post-industrial ethos. They argue that businesses that create intangibles have taken a more prominent role in the wake of manufacturing's decline.

Actor and then-artistic director of the Old Vic Theatre, Kevin Spacey, has argued the economic case for the arts in terms of providing jobs and being of greater importance in exports than manufacturing (as well as an educational role) in a guest column he wrote for The Times.[16]

Critics
Post-industrialism is criticized for the amount of real fundamental change it produces in society if any at all. A mild view held by Alan Banks and Jim Foster contends that representations of post-industrial society by advocates assume professional, educated elites were previously less relevant than they have become in the new social order, and that changes that have occurred are minor but greatly embellished.[11] More critical views see the entire process as the highest evolution of capitalism, wherein the system produces commodities as opposed to practical goods and is determined privately instead of socially. This view is complemented by the assertion that “the characteristic feature of a modern [that is, post-industrial] society is that it is a technocracy.”[9] Such societies then become notable for their ability to subvert social consciousness through powers of manipulation rather than powers of coercion, reflective of the “ideology of the ruling class [as] … predominantly managerial.”[9]

In line with the view that nothing fundamental has changed in the transition from industrial societies to post-industrial societies is the insistence of lingering problems from past development periods. Neo-Malthusian in essence, this outlook focuses on post-industrial society’s continuing struggle with issues of resource scarcity, overpopulation, and environmental degradation, all of which are remnants from its industrial history.[17] This is exacerbated by a “corporate liberalism” that seeks to continue economic growth through “the creation and satisfaction of false needs,” or as Christopher Lasch more derisively refers to it, “subsidized waste.”[9]

Urban development in the context of post-industrialism is also a point of contention. In opposition to the view that the new leaders of post-industrial society are increasingly environmentally aware, this critique asserts that it rather leads to environmental degradation, this being rooted in the patterns of development. Urban sprawl, characterised behaviourally by cities “expanding at the periphery in even lower densities” and physically by “office parks, malls, strips, condo clusters, corporate campuses, and gated communities,” is singled out as the main issue.[13] Resulting from a post-industrialist culture of “mobile capital, the service economy, post-Fordist disposable consumerism and banking deregulation,” urban sprawl has caused post-industrialism to become environmentally and socially regressive.[13] Of the former, environmental degradation results from encroachment as cities meet demands on low-density habitation; the wider spread of population consumes more of the environment while necessitating more energy consumption in order to facilitate travel within the ever-growing city, incurring greater pollution.[13] This process evokes the neo-Malthusian concerns of overpopulation and resource scarcity that inevitably lead to environmental deterioration.[17] Of the latter, “post-industrialism’s doctrine of … mobility and malleability” encourage a disconnect between communities where social belonging falls into the category of things considered by the “post-Fordist disposable consumer[ist]” attitude as interchangeable, expendable, and replaceable.[13]

Post-industrialism as a concept is highly Western-centric. Theoretically and effectively, it is only possible in the Global West, which its proponents assume to be solely capable of fully realizing industrialization and then post-industrialization. Herman Kahn optimistically predicted the “economic growth, expanded production and growing efficiency” of post-industrial societies and the resultant “material abundance and… high quality of life” to extend to “almost all people in Western societies” and only “some in Eastern societies.”[17] This prediction is treated elsewhere by contentions that the post-industrial society merely perpetuates capitalism.[9][13]

Recalling the critical assertion that all modern societies are technocracies, T. Roszak completes the analysis by stating that “all societies are moving in the direction of technocracies.”[9] From this, the foremost “suave technocracies” reside in the West, whereas all others are successively graded in descending order: “vulgar technocracies,” “teratoid technocracies,” and finally “comic opera technocracies.”[9] This view importantly presumes one transition and furthermore one path of transition for societies to undergo, i.e. the one that Western societies are slated to complete. Much like the demographic transition model, this prediction does not entertain the idea of an Eastern or other alternative models of transitional development.
Subject: Unemployment


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:26:37 01/27/19 Sun

Structural unemployment is a form of unemployment caused by a mismatch between the skills that workers in the economy can offer, and the skills demanded of workers by employers (also known as the skills gap). Structural unemployment is often brought about by technological changes that make the job skills of many of today's workers obsolete.

Structural unemployment is one of several major categories of unemployment distinguished by economists, including frictional unemployment, cyclical unemployment, involuntary unemployment, and classical unemployment.

Because it requires either migration or re-training, structural unemployment can be long-term and slow to fix.[1]


Contents
1 Causes and examples
2 Relation to other unemployment
3 Debates
4 See also
5 References
6 Bibliography
7 Further reading
Causes and examples
Further information: Technological unemployment and Productivity improving technologies (economic history)
From an individual perspective, structural unemployment can be due to:

Inability to afford or decision not to pursue further education or job training
Choice of a field of study which did not produce marketable job skills
Inability to afford relocation
Inability to sell a house (for example due to the collapse of a real estate bubble or of the local economy)
Decision not to relocate, in order to stay with a spouse, family, friends, etc.[2]
From a larger perspective, there can be a number of reasons for structural unemployment across large numbers of workers:

Technological obsolescence makes a specific expertise useless. For example, demand for manual typesetters disappeared with digitization of printing plate production.
Productivity increases reduce the number of workers (with the same or similar skills) needed to satisfy demand.
New technology significantly increase productivity, but requires a fewer number of higher-skilled workers. For example, fewer agricultural workers are needed when the work is mechanized; those that remain must be trained to operate equipment. Another common example is the use of industrial robots to automate manufacturing. A study by Carl Benedikt Frey and Michael Osborne found in 2013 that almost half of U.S jobs are at risk of automation.
Competition causes the same jobs to move to a different location, and workers do not or cannot follow. Examples:
Manufacturing jobs in the United States moved from what are now called Rust Belt cities to lower-cost cities in the South and rural areas.
Globalization has caused many manufacturing jobs to move from high-wage to low-wage countries.
Free trade agreements can cause jobs to move as competitive advantage changes.
Political changes, for example the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Large-scale changes in the economy can be particularly challenging. For example, if a large company is the only employer in a given industry for a certain city, when it closes workers will have no competing company to move to, and the local education system and government will be burdened with many people who need job re-training all at once (possibly at the same time the local economy fails to create new jobs due to decreased overall demand).

Employers may also reject workers for reasons unrelated to skills or geography, so for example structural unemployment can also result from discrimination.

While temporary changes in overall demand for labor cause cyclical unemployment, structural unemployment can be caused by temporary changes in demand from different industries. For example, seasonal unemployment often affects farm workers after harvesting is complete, and workers in resort towns after the tourist season ends. The dot-com bubble caused a temporary spike in demand for information technology workers, which was suddenly reversed in 2000-2001.

Structural unemployment is often associated with workers being unable to shift from industry to industry, but it can also happen within industries as technology changes the nature of work within a given field.[3][4] This is a driver of skills gaps as technology and globalization "hollow out" many middle-skill jobs, positions that traditionally have not required a college degree.[5]

Relation to other unemployment
Structural unemployment is hard to separate empirically from frictional unemployment, except to say that it lasts longer. As with frictional unemployment, simple demand-side stimulus will not work to easily abolish this type of unemployment.

Seasonal unemployment may be seen as a kind of structural unemployment, since it is a type of unemployment that is linked to certain kinds of jobs (construction work, migratory farm work). The most-cited official unemployment measures erase this kind of unemployment from the statistics using "seasonal adjustment" techniques.

Structural unemployment may also be encouraged to rise by persistent cyclical unemployment: if an economy suffers from long-lasting low aggregate demand, it means that many of the unemployed become disheartened, while their skills (including job-searching skills) become "rusty" and obsolete.[6] Problems with debt may lead to homelessness and a fall into the vicious circle of poverty. This means that they may not fit the job vacancies that are created when the economy recovers. The implication is that sustained high demand may lower structural unemployment.[7][8] This theory of persistence in structural unemployment has been referred to as an example of path dependence or "hysteresis."

Debates
Education and work exist in two alternative worlds that don’t really connect— Sandalio Gomez, emeritus professor at the IESE Business School in Madrid[9]
There has been considerable debate over how much a role structural unemployment plays in the persistently high unemployment rates seen in much of the world since the 2007-09 global recession. Narayana Kocherlakota, then president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, said in a 2010 speech that as much as 3 percent of the 9.5 percent unemployment rate at the time could be the result of a mismatch.[10] Other studies argued that a skills mismatch was a minor factor, since unemployment rose for nearly all industries and demographic groups during the "Great Recession."[11] A Federal Reserve Bank of New York study found no strong evidence of mismatch for construction workers, a group often prone to structural unemployment because of the regional nature of construction.[12]

Some economists posit that the minimum wage is in part to blame for structural unemployment, although structural unemployment does exist even in the absence of a minimum wage. They assert that because the governmentally imposed minimum wage is higher than some individuals' marginal revenue product in any given job, that those individuals remain unemployed because employers legally cannot pay them what they are "worth."[13] Others believe that in such cases (for example, when a person is intellectually disabled or suffers a debilitating physical condition) it is the responsibility of the state to provide for the citizen in question. When a minimum wage does not exist, more people may be employed, but they may be underemployed and thus unable to fully provide for themselves.

Management professor Peter Cappelli blames poor human resource practices for complaints that not enough qualified job applicants are found, such as replacing skilled HR workers with software that is less capable of matching resumes that exhibit the right combination of skills but without word-for-word alignment with a job posting. (This actually may be a form of frictional unemployment if a match will eventually be made, perhaps with a different employer.) Cappelli also points to a decrease in apprenticeships and hiring from within an organization. Instead, companies attempt to avoid the time and cost of on-the-job training by hiring people from who already have experience doing the same job elsewhere (including at a competitor).[1
Subject: Capital Deepening


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:26:05 01/27/19 Sun

Capital deepening is a situation where the capital per worker is increasing in the economy.[1] This is also referred to as increase in the capital intensity. Capital deepening is often measured by the rate of change in capital stock per labour hour. Overall, the economy will expand, and productivity per worker will increase. However, according to some economic models, such as the Solow model, economic expansion will not continue indefinitely through capital deepening alone. This is partly due to diminishing returns and wear & tear (depreciation). Investment is also required to increase the amount of capital available to each worker in the system and thus increase the ratio of capital to labour. In other economic models, for example, the AK model or some models in endogenous growth theory, capital deepening can lead to sustained economic growth even without technological progress. Traditionally, in development economics, capital deepening is seen as a necessary but not sufficient condition for economic development of a country.

Capital widening is the situation where the stock of capital is increasing at the same rate as the labour force and the depreciation rate, thus the capital per worker ratio remains constant. The economy will expand in terms of aggregate output, but productivity per worker will remain constant.
Subject: Capital


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:25:36 01/27/19 Sun

In economics, capital consists of an asset that can enhance one's power to perform economically useful work. For example, in a fundamental sense a stone or an arrow is capital for a caveman who can use it as a hunting instrument, while roads are capital for inhabitants of a city.

Adam Smith defines capital as "That part of men's stock which he expects to afford him revenue". The term "stock" is derived from the Old English word for stump or tree trunk. It has been used to refer to all the moveable property of a farm since at least 1510.[1]

Capital goods, real capital, or capital assets are already-produced, durable goods or any non-financial asset that is used in production of goods or services.[2]

Capital is distinct from land (or non-renewable resources) in that capital can be increased by human labor. At any given moment in time, total physical capital may be referred to as the capital stock (which is not to be confused with the capital stock of a business entity).

Capital is an input in the production function. Homes and personal autos are not usually defined as capital but as durable goods because they are not used in a production of saleable goods and services.

In Marxian political economy,[3] capital is money used to buy something only in order to sell it again to realize a profit. For Marx capital only exists within the process of the economic circuit (represented by "M-C-M") —it is wealth that grows out of the process of circulation itself, and for Marx it formed the basis of the economic system of capitalism. In more contemporary schools of economics, this form of capital is generally referred to as "financial capital" and is distinguished from "capital goods".


Contents
1 In narrow and broad uses
2 Modern types of capital
3 Interpretations
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
7 External links
In narrow and broad uses
Classical and neoclassical economics regard capital as one of the factors of production (alongside the other factors: land and labour). All other inputs to production are called intangibles in classical economics. This includes organization, entrepreneurship, knowledge, goodwill, or management (which some characterize as talent, social capital or instructional capital).

This is what makes it a factor of production:

The good is not used up immediately in the process of production unlike raw materials or intermediate goods. (The significant exception to this is depreciation allowance, which like intermediate goods, is treated as a business expense.)
The good can be produced or increased (in contrast to land and non-renewable resources).
These distinctions of convenience have carried over to contemporary economic theory.[4][5] There was[when?] the further clarification that capital is a stock. As such, its value can be estimated at a point in time. By contrast, investment, as production to be added to the capital stock, is described as taking place over time ("per year"), thus a flow.

Marxian economics distinguishes between different forms of capital:

constant capital, which refers to capital goods
variable capital, which refers to labor-inputs, where the cost is "variable" based on the amount of wages and salaries are paid throughout the duration of an employee's contract/employment,
fictitious capital, which refers to intangible representations or abstractions of physical capital, such as stocks, bonds and securities (or "tradable paper claims to wealth")
Earlier illustrations often described capital as physical items, such as tools, buildings, and vehicles that are used in the production process. Since at least the 1960s economists have increasingly focused on broader forms of capital. For example, investment in skills and education can be viewed as building up human capital or knowledge capital, and investments in intellectual property can be viewed as building up intellectual capital. These terms lead to certain questions and controversies discussed in those articles.

Modern types of capital
Detailed classifications of capital that have been used in various theoretical or applied uses generally respect the following division:

Financial capital, which represents obligations, and is liquidated as money for trade, and owned by legal entities. It is in the form of capital assets, traded in financial markets. Its market value is not based on the historical accumulation of money invested but on the perception by the market of its expected revenues and of the risk entailed.
Natural capital, which is inherent in ecologies and which increases the supply of human wealth
Social capital, which in private enterprise is partly captured as goodwill or brand value, but is a more general concept of inter-relationships between human beings having money-like value that motivates actions in a similar fashion to paid compensation.
Instructional capital, defined originally in academia as that aspect of teaching and knowledge transfer that is not inherent in individuals or social relationships but transferrable. Various theories use names like knowledge or intellectual capital to describe similar concepts but these are not strictly defined as in the academic definition and have no widely agreed accounting treatment.
Human capital, a broad term that generally includes social, instructional and individual human talent in combination. It is used in technical economics to define “balanced growth”, which is the goal of improving human capital as much as economic capital.
Public capital is a blanket term that attempts to characterize physical capital that is considered infrastructure and which supports production in unclear or poorly accounted ways. This encompasses the aggregate body of all government-owned assets that are used to promote private industry productivity, including highways, railways, airports, water treatment facilities, telecommunications, electric grids, energy utilities, municipal buildings, public hospitals and schools, police, fire protection, courts and still others. However it is a problematic term insofar as many of these assets can be either publicly or privately owned.
Separate literatures have developed to describe both natural capital and social capital. Such terms reflect a wide consensus that nature and society both function in such a similar manner as traditional industrial infrastructural capital, that it is entirely appropriate to refer to them as different types of capital in themselves. In particular, they can be used in the production of other goods, are not used up immediately in the process of production, and can be enhanced (if not created) by human effort.

There is also a literature of intellectual capital and intellectual property law. However, this increasingly distinguishes means of capital investment, and collection of potential rewards for patent, copyright (creative or individual capital), and trademark (social trust or social capital) instruments.

Interpretations
Economist Henry George argued that financial instruments like stocks, bonds, mortgages, promissory notes, or other certificates for transferring wealth is not really capital. Because "Their economic value merely represents the power of one class to appropriate the earnings of another" and "their increase or decrease does not affect the sum of wealth in the community".[6]

Some thinkers, such as Werner Sombart and Max Weber, locate the concept of capital as originating in double-entry bookkeeping, which is thus a foundational innovation in capitalism, Sombart writing in "Medieval and Modern Commercial Enterprise" that:[7]

The very concept of capital is derived from this way of looking at things; one can say that capital, as a category, did not exist before double-entry bookkeeping. Capital can be defined as that amount of wealth which is used in making profits and which enters into the accounts."
Within classical economics, Adam Smith (Wealth of Nations, Book II, Chapter 1) distinguished fixed capital from circulating capital. The former designated physical assets not consumed in the production of a product (e.g. machines and storage facilities), while the latter referred to physical assets consumed in the process of production (e.g. raw materials and intermediate products). For an enterprise, both were types of capital.

Karl Marx adds a distinction that is often confused with David Ricardo's. In Marxian theory, variable capital refers to a capitalist's investment in labor-power, seen as the only source of surplus-value. It is called "variable" since the amount of value it can produce varies from the amount it consumes, i.e., it creates new value. On the other hand, constant capital refers to investment in non-human factors of production, such as plant and machinery, which Marx takes to contribute only its own replacement value to the commodities it is used to produce.

Investment or capital accumulation, in classical economic theory, is the production of increased capital. Investment requires that some goods be produced that are not immediately consumed, but instead used to produce other goods as capital goods. Investment is closely related to saving, though it is not the same. As Keynes pointed out, saving involves not spending all of one's income on current goods or services, while investment refers to spending on a specific type of goods, i.e., capital goods.

Austrian School economist Eugen Boehm von Bawerk maintained that capital intensity was measured by the roundaboutness of production processes. Since capital is defined by him as being goods of higher-order, or goods used to produce consumer goods, and derived their value from them, being future goods.

Human development theory describes human capital as being composed of distinct social, imitative and creative elements:

Social capital is the value of network trusting relationships between individuals in an economy.
Individual capital, which is inherent in persons, protected by societies, and trades labour for trust or money. Close parallel concepts are "talent", "ingenuity", "leadership", "trained bodies", or "innate skills" that cannot reliably be reproduced by using any combination of any of the others above. In traditional economic analysis individual capital is more usually called labour.
Instructional capital in the academic sense is clearly separate from either individual persons or social bonds between them.
This theory is the basis of triple bottom line accounting and is further developed in ecological economics, welfare economics and the various theories of green economics. All of which use a particularly abstract notion of capital in which the requirement of capital being produced like durable goods is effectively removed.

The Cambridge capital controversy was a dispute between economists at Cambridge, Massachusetts based MIT and University of Cambridge in the UK about the measurement of capital. The Cambridge, UK economists, including Joan Robinson and Piero Sraffa claimed that there is no basis for aggregating the heterogeneous objects that constitute 'capital goods.'

Political economists Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler have suggested that capital is not a productive entity, but solely financial and that capital values measure the relative power of owners over the broad social processes that bear on profits.
Subject: Fixed Capital


Author:
troll123
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Date Posted: 13:24:27 01/27/19 Sun

Capital accumulation (also termed the accumulation of capital) is the dynamic that motivates the pursuit of profit, involving the investment of money or any financial asset with the goal of increasing the initial monetary value of said asset as a financial return whether in the form of profit, rent, interest, royalties or capital gains. The process of capital accumulation forms the basis of capitalism, and is one of the defining characteristics of a capitalist economic system.[1][2]


Contents
1 Definition
1.1 The measurement of accumulation
2 Demand-led growth models
3 Marxist concept
3.1 Over-accumulation and crisis
3.2 Concentration and centralization
3.3 The rate of accumulation
3.4 The circuit of capital accumulation from production
3.5 Simple and expanded reproduction
3.6 Origins
3.7 Capital accumulation as social relation
4 Markets with social influence
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
8 External links
Definition
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The definition of capital accumulation is subject to controversy and ambiguities, because it could refer to:

a net addition to existing wealth
a redistribution of wealth.
Most often, capital accumulation involves both a net addition and a redistribution of wealth, which may raise the question of who really benefits from it most. If more wealth is produced than there was before, a society becomes richer; the total stock of wealth increases. But if some accumulate capital only at the expense of others, wealth is merely shifted from A to B. It is also possible that some accumulate capital much faster than others.[citation needed] When one person is enriched at the expense of another in circumstances that the law sees as unjust it is called unjust enrichment.[3] In principle, it is possible that a few people or organisations accumulate capital and grow richer, although the total stock of wealth of society decreases.[citation needed]

In economics and accounting capital accumulation is often equated with investment of profit income or savings, especially in real capital goods. The concentration and centralisation of capital are two of the results of such accumulation (see below).

Capital accumulation refers ordinarily to:

real investment in tangible means of production, such as acquisitions, research and development, etc. that can increase the capital flow.
investment in financial assets represented on paper, yielding profit, interest, rent, royalties, fees or capital gains.
investment in non-productive physical assets such as residential real estate or works of art that appreciate in value.
and by extension to:

human capital, i.e., new education and training increasing the skills of the (potential) labour force which can increase earnings from work.
social capital, i.e. the wealth and productive capacity that the people in a society hold in common, rather than as individuals or corporations.
etc.
Both non-financial and financial capital accumulation is usually needed for economic growth, since additional production usually requires additional funds to enlarge the scale of production. Smarter and more productive organization of production can also increase production without increased capital. Capital can be created without increased investment by inventions or improved organization that increase productivity, discoveries of new assets (oil, gold, minerals, etc.), the sale of property, etc.

In modern macroeconomics and econometrics the term capital formation is often used in preference to "accumulation", though the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) refers nowadays to "accumulation". The term is occasionally used in national accounts.

The measurement of accumulation
Accumulation can be measured as the monetary value of investments, the amount of income that is reinvested, or as the change in the value of assets owned (the increase in the value of the capital stock). Using company balance sheets, tax data and direct surveys as a basis, government statisticians estimate total investments and assets for the purpose of national accounts, national balance of payments and flow of funds statistics. Usually, the reserve banks and the Treasury provide interpretations and analysis of this data. Standard indicators include Capital formation, Gross fixed capital formation, fixed capital, household asset wealth, and foreign direct investment.

Organisations such as the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD, the World Bank Group, the OECD, and the Bank for International Settlements used national investment data to estimate world trends. The Bureau of Economic Analysis, Eurostat and the Japan Statistical Office provide data on the USA, Europe and Japan respectively.

Other useful sources of investment information are business magazines such as Fortune, Forbes, The Economist, Business Week, etc., and various corporate "watchdog" organisations and non-governmental organization publications. A reputable scientific journal is the Review of Income and Wealth. In the case of the USA, the "Analytical Perspectives" document (an annex to the yearly budget) provides useful wealth and capital estimates applying to the whole country.

Demand-led growth models
In macroeconomics, following the Harrod–Domar model, the savings ratio ( {\displaystyle s} s) and the capital coefficient ( {\displaystyle k} k) are regarded as critical factors for accumulation and growth, assuming that all saving is used to finance fixed investment. The rate of growth of the real stock of fixed capital ( {\displaystyle K} K) is:

{\displaystyle {{\Delta K} \over K}={{{\Delta K} \over Y} \over {K \over Y}}={s \over k}} {{\Delta K} \over K} = {{{\Delta K} \over Y} \over {K \over Y}} = {s \over k }
where {\displaystyle Y} Y is the real national income. If the capital-output ratio or capital coefficient ( {\displaystyle k={K \over Y}} k={K \over Y}) is constant, the rate of growth of {\displaystyle Y} Y is equal to the rate of growth of {\displaystyle K} K. This is determined by {\displaystyle s} s (the ratio of net fixed investment or saving to {\displaystyle Y} Y) and {\displaystyle k} k.

A country might, for example, save and invest 12% of its national income, and then if the capital coefficient is 4:1 (i.e. $4 billion must be invested to increase the national income by 1 billion) the rate of growth of the national income might be 3% annually. However, as Keynesian economics points out, savings do not automatically mean investment (as liquid funds may be hoarded for example). Investment may also not be investment in fixed capital (see above).

Assuming that the turnover of total production capital invested remains constant, the proportion of total investment which just maintains the stock of total capital, rather than enlarging it, will typically increase as the total stock increases. The growth rate of incomes and net new investments must then also increase, in order to accelerate the growth of the capital stock. Simply put, the bigger capital grows, the more capital it takes to keep it growing and the more markets must expand.

The Harrodian model has a problem of unstable static equilibrium, since if the growth rate is not equal to the Harrodian warranted rate, the production will tend to extreme points (infinite or zero production).[4] The Neo-Kaleckians modelos doesn’t suffers from the Harrodian unstability but fails to deliver a convergence dynamic of the effective capacity utilization to the planned capacity utilization.[5] For its turn, the model of the Sraffian Supermultiplier grants a static stable equilibrium and a convergence to the planned capacity utilization.[6] The Sraffian Supermultiplier model diverges from the Harrodian model since it takes the investment as induced and not as autonomous. The autonomous component in the this model is are the Autonomous Non-Capacity Creating Expenditures, such as exports, credit lead consumption and public spending. The growth rate of these expenditures determines the long run rate of capital accumulation and product growth.

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In Karl Marx's economic theory, capital accumulation is the operation whereby profits are reinvested into the economy, increasing the total quantity of capital. Capital was understood by Marx to be expanding value, that is, in other terms, as a sum of capital, usually expressed in money, that is transformed through human labor into a larger value and extracted as profits. Here, capital is defined essentially as economic or commercial asset value that is used by capitalists to obtain additional value (surplus-value). This requires property relations which enable objects of value to be appropriated and owned, and trading rights to be established.

Over-accumulation and crisis
The Marxist analysis of capital accumulation and the development of capitalism identifies systemic issues with the process that arise with expansion of the productive forces. A crisis of overaccumulation of capital occurs when the rate of profit is greater than the rate of new profitable investment outlets in the economy, arising from increasing productivity from a rising organic composition of capital (higher capital input to labor input ratio). This depresses the wage bill, leading to stagnant wages and high rates of unemployment for the working class while excess profits search for new profitable investment opportunities. Marx believed that this cyclical process would be the fundamental cause for the dissolution of capitalism and its replacement by socialism, which would operate according to a different economic dynamic.[7]

In Marxist thought, socialism would succeed capitalism as the dominant mode of production when the accumulation of capital can no longer sustain itself due to falling rates of profit in real production relative to increasing productivity. A socialist economy would not base production on the accumulation of capital, instead basing production on the criteria of satisfying human needs and directly producing use-values. This concept is encapsulated in the principle of production for use.

Concentration and centralization
According to Marx, capital has the tendency for concentration and centralization in the hands of richest capitalists. Marx explains:

"It is concentration of capitals already formed, destruction of their individual independence, expropriation of capitalist by capitalist, transformation of many small into few large capitals.... Capital grows in one place to a huge mass in a single hand, because it has in another place been lost by many.... The battle of competition is fought by cheapening of commodities. The cheapness of commodities demands, caeteris paribus, on the productiveness of labour, and this again on the scale of production. Therefore, the larger capitals beat the smaller. It will further be remembered that, with the development of the capitalist mode of production, there is an increase in the minimum amount of individual capital necessary to carry on a business under its normal conditions. The smaller capitals, therefore, crowd into spheres of production which Modern Industry has only sporadically or incompletely got hold of. Here competition rages.... It always ends in the ruin of many small capitalists, whose capitals partly pass into the hands of their conquerors, partly vanish."[8]

The rate of accumulation
In Marxian economics, the rate of accumulation is defined as (1) the value of the real net increase in the stock of capital in an accounting period, (2) the proportion of realized surplus-value or profit-income which is reinvested, rather than consumed. This rate can be expressed by means of various ratios between the original capital outlay, the realized turnover, surplus-value or profit and reinvestment's (see, e.g., the writings of the economist Michał Kalecki).

Other things being equal, the greater the amount of profit-income that is disbursed as personal earnings and used for consumption purposes, the lower the savings rate and the lower the rate of accumulation is likely to be. However, earnings spent on consumption can also stimulate market demand and higher investment. This is the cause of endless controversies in economic theory about "how much to spend, and how much to save".

In a boom period of capitalism, the growth of investments is cumulative, i.e. one investment leads to another, leading to a constantly expanding market, an expanding labor force, and an increase in the standard of living for the majority of the people.

In a stagnating, decadent capitalism, the accumulation process is increasingly oriented towards investment on military and security forces, real estate, financial speculation, and luxury consumption. In that case, income from value-adding production will decline in favour of interest, rent and tax income, with as a corollary an increase in the level of permanent unemployment.

As a rule, the larger the total sum of capital invested, the higher the return on investment will be. The more capital one owns, the more capital one can also borrow and reinvest at a higher rate of profit or interest. The inverse is also true, and this is one factor in the widening gap between the rich and the poor.

Ernest Mandel emphasized that the rhythm of capital accumulation and growth depended critically on (1) the division of a society's social product between necessary product and surplus product, and (2) the division of the surplus product between investment and consumption. In turn, this allocation pattern reflected the outcome of competition among capitalists, competition between capitalists and workers, and competition between workers. The pattern of capital accumulation can therefore never be simply explained by commercial factors, it also involved social factors and power relationships.

The circuit of capital accumulation from production
Strictly speaking, capital has accumulated only when realized profit income has been reinvested in capital assets. But the process of capital accumulation in production has, as suggested in the first volume of Marx's Das Kapital, at least 7 distinct but linked moments:

The initial investment of capital (which could be borrowed capital) in means of production and labor power.
The command over surplus-labour and its appropriation.
The valorisation (increase in value) of capital through production of new outputs.
The appropriation of the new output produced by employees, containing the added value.
The realisation of surplus-value through output sales.
The appropriation of realised surplus-value as (profit) income after deduction of costs.
The reinvestment of profit income in production.
All of these moments do not refer simply to an economic or commercial process. Rather, they assume the existence of legal, social, cultural and economic power conditions, without which creation, distribution and circulation of the new wealth could not occur. This becomes especially clear when the attempt is made to create a market where none exists, or where people refuse to trade.

In fact Marx argues that the original or primitive accumulation of capital often occurs through violence, plunder, slavery, robbery, extortion and theft. He argues that the capitalist mode of production requires that people be forced to work in value-adding production for someone else, and for this purpose, they must be cut off from sources of income other than selling their labor power.

Simple and expanded reproduction
In volume 2 of Das Kapital, Marx continues the story and shows that, with the aid of bank credit, capital in search of growth can more or less smoothly mutate from one form to another, alternately taking the form of money capital (liquid deposits, securities, etc.), commodity capital (tradeable products, real estate etc.), or production capital (means of production and labor power).

His discussion of the simple and expanded reproduction of the conditions of production offers a more sophisticated model of the parameters of the accumulation process as a whole. At simple reproduction, a sufficient amount is produced to sustain society at the given living standard; the stock of capital stays constant. At expanded reproduction, more product-value is produced than is necessary to sustain society at a given living standard (a surplus product; the additional product-value is available for investments which enlarge the scale and variety of production.

The bourgeois claim there is no economic law according to which capital is necessarily re-invested in the expansion of production, that such depends on anticipated profitability, market expectations and perceptions of investment risk. Such statements only explain the subjective experiences of investors and ignore the objective realities which would influence such opinions. As Marx states in Vol.2, simple reproduction only exists if the variable and surplus capital realized by Dept. 1—producers of means of production—exactly equals that of the constant capital of Dept. 2, producers of articles of consumption (pg 524). Such equilibrium rests on various assumptions, such as a constant labor supply (no population growth). Accumulation does not imply a necessary change in total magnitude of value produced but can simply refer to a change in the composition of an industry (pg. 514).

Ernest Mandel introduced the additional concept of contracted economic reproduction, i.e. reduced accumulation where business operating at a loss outnumbers growing business, or economic reproduction on a decreasing scale, for example due to wars, natural disasters or devalorisation.

Balanced economic growth requires that different factors in the accumulation process expand in appropriate proportions. But markets themselves cannot spontaneously create that balance, in fact what drives business activity is precisely the imbalances between supply and demand: inequality is the motor of growth. This partly explains why the worldwide pattern of economic growth is very uneven and unequal, even although markets have existed almost everywhere for a very long time. Some people argue that it also explains government regulation of market trade and protectionism.

Origins
According to Marx, capital accumulation has a double origin, namely in trade and in expropriation, both of a legal or illegal kind. The reason is that a stock of capital can be increased through a process of exchange or "trading up" but also through directly taking an asset or resource from someone else, without compensation. David Harvey calls this accumulation by dispossession. Marx does not discuss gifts and grants as a source of capital accumulation, nor does he analyze taxation in detail (He couldn't, as he died even before completing his major book, Das Kapital). Nowadays the tax take is often so large (i.e., 25-40% of GDP) that some authors refer to state capitalism. This gives rise to a proliferation of tax havens to evade tax liability.[citation needed]

The continuation and progress of capital accumulation depends on the removal of obstacles to the expansion of trade, and this has historically often been a violent process. As markets expand, more and more new opportunities develop for accumulating capital, because more and more types of goods and services can be traded in. But capital accumulation may also confront resistance, when people refuse to sell, or refuse to buy (for example a strike by investors or workers, or consumer resistance).

Capital accumulation as social relation

This section contains too many or too-lengthy quotations for an encyclopedic entry. Please help improve the article by presenting facts as a neutrally-worded summary with appropriate citations. Consider transferring direct quotations to Wikiquote. (December 2017)
"Accumulation of capital" sometimes also refers in Marxist writings to the reproduction of capitalist social relations (institutions) on a larger scale over time, i.e., the expansion of the size of the proletariat and of the wealth owned by the bourgeoisie.

This interpretation emphasizes that capital ownership, predicated on command over labor, is a social relation: the growth of capital implies the growth of the working class (a "law of accumulation"). In the first volume of Das Kapital Marx had illustrated this idea with reference to Edward Gibbon Wakefield's theory of colonisation:

"...Wakefield discovered that in the Colonies, property in money, means of subsistence, machines, and other means of production, does not as yet stamp a man as a capitalist if there be wanting the correlative — the wage-worker, the other man who is compelled to sell himself of his own free-will. He discovered that capital is not a thing, but a social relation between persons, established by the instrumentality of things. Mr. Peel, he moans, took with him from England to Swan River, West Australia, means of subsistence and of production to the amount of £50,000. Mr. Peel had the foresight to bring with him, besides, 3,000 persons of the working-class, men, women, and children. Once arrived at his destination, “Mr. Peel was left without a servant to make his bed or fetch him water from the river.” Unhappy Mr. Peel, who provided for everything except the export of English modes of production to Swan River!"

— Das Kapital, vol. 1, ch. 33
In the third volume of Das Kapital, Marx refers to the "fetishism of capital" reaching its highest point with interest-bearing capital, because now capital seems to grow of its own accord without anybody doing anything. In this case,

"The relations of capital assume their most externalised and most fetish-like form in interest-bearing capital. We have here {\displaystyle M-M'} M - M', money creating more money, self-expanding value, without the process that effectuates these two extremes. In merchant's capital, {\displaystyle M-C-M'} M - C - M', there is at least the general form of the capitalistic movement, although it confines itself solely to the sphere of circulation, so that profit appears merely as profit derived from alienation; but it is at least seen to be the product of a social relation, not the product of a mere thing. (...) This is obliterated in {\displaystyle M-M'} M - M', the form of interest-bearing capital. (...) The thing (money, commodity, value) is now capital even as a mere thing, and capital appears as a mere thing. The result of the entire process of reproduction appears as a property inherent in the thing itself. It depends on the owner of the money, i.e., of the commodity in its continually exchangeable form, whether he wants to spend it as money or loan it out as capital. In interest-bearing capital, therefore, this automatic fetish, self-expanding value, money generating money, are brought out in their pure state and in this form it no longer bears the birth-marks of its origin. The social relation is consummated in the relation of a thing, of money, to itself.—Instead of the actual transformation of money into capital, we see here only form without content."
Subject: Fixed Capital


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:23:36 01/27/19 Sun

Fixed capital is a concept in economics and accounting, first theoretically analyzed in some depth by the economist David Ricardo. It refers to any kind of real or physical capital (fixed asset) that is not used up in the production of a product. It contrasts with circulating capital such as raw materials, operating expenses and the like.

So fixed capital is that portion of the total capital outlay that is invested in fixed assets (such as land, buildings, vehicles, plant and equipment), that stay in the business almost permanently—or at the very least, for more than one accounting period. Fixed assets can be purchased by a business, in which case the business owns them. They can also be leased, hired or rented, if that is cheaper or more convenient, or if owning the fixed asset is practically impossible (for legal or technical reasons).

Refining the classical distinction between fixed and circulating capital in Das Kapital, Karl Marx emphasizes that the distinction is really purely relative, i.e. it refers only to the comparative rotation speeds (turnover time) of different types of physical capital assets. Fixed capital also "circulates", except that the circulation time is much longer, because a fixed asset may be held for 5, 10 or 20 years before it has yielded its value and is discarded for its salvage value. A fixed asset may also be resold and re-used, which often happens with vehicles and planes.

In national accounts, fixed capital is conventionally defined as the stock of tangible, durable fixed assets owned or used by resident enterprises for more than one year. This includes plant, machinery, vehicles and equipment, installations and physical infrastructures, the value of land improvements, and buildings.

The European system of national and regional accounts (ESA95) explicitly includes produced intangible assets (e.g. mineral exploitation, computer software, copyright protected entertainment, literary and artistics originals) within the definition of fixed assets.

Land itself is not included in the statistical concept of fixed capital, even though it is a fixed asset. The main reason is that land is not regarded as a product (a reproducible good). But the value of land improvements is included in the statistical concept of fixed capital, being regarded as the creation of value-added through production.


Contents
1 Estimating the value
2 Investment risk
3 Sources of funding for fixed capital investment
4 Factors which influence fixed-capital requirements
5 See also
6 References
Estimating the value
Attempts have been made to estimate the value of the stock of fixed capital for the whole economy using direct enterprise surveys of "book value", administrative business records, tax assessments, and data on gross fixed capital formation, price inflation and depreciation schedules. A pioneer in this area was the economist Simon Kuznets.[1]

The so-called "perpetual inventory method" (PIM) used to estimate fixed capital stocks was invented by Raymond W. Goldsmith in 1951 and subsequently used around the world.[2] The basic idea of the PIM method is, that one starts off from a benchmark asset figure, and adds on the net additions to fixed assets year by year (using gross fixed capital formation data), while deducting annual depreciation, all data being adjusted for price inflation using a capital expenditure price index. In this way, one obtains a time series of annual fixed capital stocks. This data series can also be modified further with various other adjustments for prices, asset lifetimes etc. (several variants of the PIM approach are nowadays used by economic historians and statisticians).

However, it is widely acknowledged that it is extremely difficult to obtain any accurate measurement of the value of fixed capital, especially because even the owner himself or herself may not know what the assets are currently "worth". What they are worth may become apparent only at the point where they are definitely sold for a price. Some valuations for fixed assets may refer to historic cost (acquisition cost) or book value, others to current replacement cost, current sale value in the market, or scrap value.

The depreciation write-off permitted for tax purposes may also diverge from so-called "economic depreciation" or "real" depreciation rates. Economic depreciation rates are calculated on the basis of the observed average market prices that depreciated assets at different ages actually sell for. Sometimes statisticians try to estimate the average "service lives" of fixed assets as a basis for calculating depreciation and scrap values, based on the observed length of time that fixed assets are actually held and used by their owners who own the business.


Almost always, the capital stock estimate which statisticians arrive at is a theoretical estimate based on a variety of data sources, and it does not correspond to the historical cost of fixed assets nor to actual depreciation write-offs. However, it is believed to be a more accurate representation of the true value of the fixed capital stock.

Investment risk
A business executive who invests in or accumulates fixed capital is tying up money in a fixed asset, hoping to make a future profit. Thus, such an investment usually implies a risk. Sometimes depreciation write-offs are also viewed partly as a compensation for this risk. Often leasing or renting a fixed asset (such as a vehicle) rather than buying it is preferred by enterprises because the cost of using it is lowered thereby, and the real owner may be able to obtain special tax advantages.

Sources of funding for fixed capital investment
An owner can obtain funding for purchase of fixed capital assets from the aptly named capital market, where loans are given on a long-term basis. Funding can also come from reserve funds, the selling of shares, and the issuing of debentures, bonds or other promissory notes.

Factors which influence fixed-capital requirements
The nature of the undertaking: the nature of the business certainly plays a role in determining fixed capital requirements. A florist, for example, needs less fixed capital than a vehicle-assembly factory.
The size of the undertaking: a general rule applies: the bigger the business, the higher the need for fixed capital.
The stage of development of the undertaking: the requirement of capital for a new undertaking is usually greater than that needed for an established business that has reached optimum size.
See also
Capital
Capital accumulation
Capital formation
Consumption of fixed capital
Fixed investment
Gross fixed capital formation
Organic composition of capital
Subject: Gross Fixed Formation


Author:
troll123
[ Edit | View ]

Date Posted: 13:22:07 01/27/19 Sun

Capital formation is a concept used in macroeconomics, national accounts and financial economics. Occasionally it is also used in corporate accounts. It can be defined in three ways:

It is a specific statistical concept used in national accounts statistics, econometrics and macroeconomics. In that sense, it refers to a measure of the net additions to the (physical) capital stock of a country (or an economic sector) in an accounting interval, or, a measure of the amount by which the total physical capital stock increased during an accounting period. To arrive at this measure, standard valuation principles are used.[1]
It is used also in economic theory, as a modern general term for capital accumulation, referring to the total "stock of capital" that has been formed, or to the growth of this total capital stock.[2]
In a much broader or vaguer sense, the term "capital formation" has in more recent times been used in financial economics to refer to savings drives, setting up financial institutions, fiscal measures, public borrowing, development of capital markets, privatization of financial institutions, development of secondary markets. In this usage, it refers to any method for increasing the amount of capital owned or under one's control, or any method in utilising or mobilizing capital resources for investment purposes. Thus, capital could be "formed" in the sense of "being brought together for investment purposes" in many different ways. This broadened meaning is not related to the statistical measurement concept nor to the classical understanding of the concept in economic theory. Instead, it originated in credit-based economic growth during the 1990s and 2000s, which was accompanied by the rapid growth of the financial sector, and consequently the increased use of finance terminology in economic discussions.

Contents
1 Use in national accounts statistics
2 Different interpretations
3 Gross and net capital formation
4 Technical measurement issues
5 Perpetual Inventory Method
6 Controversy
7 Example of capital estimates
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
Use in national accounts statistics
In the national accounts (e.g., in the United Nations System of National Accounts and the European System of Accounts) gross capital formation is the total value of the gross fixed capital formation (GFCF), plus net changes in inventories, plus net acquisitions less disposals of valuables for a unit or sector.[3]

"Total capital formation" in national accounting equals net fixed capital investment, plus the increase in the value of inventories held, plus (net) lending to foreign countries, during an accounting period (a year or a quarter). Capital is said to be "formed" when savings are utilized for investment purposes, often investment in production.

In the USA, statistical measures for capital formation were pioneered by Simon Kuznets in the 1930s and 1940s,[4] and from the 1950s onwards the standard accounting system devised under the auspices of the United Nations to measure capital flows was adopted officially by the governments of most countries. International bodies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have been influential in revising the system.

Different interpretations
The use of the term "capital formation" and "investment" can be somewhat confusing, partly because the concept of capital itself can be understood in different ways.

Firstly, capital formation is frequently thought of as a measure of total "investment", in the sense of that portion of capital actually used for investment purposes and not held as savings or consumed. But in fact, in national accounts, the concept of gross capital formation refers only to the accounting value of the "additions of non-financial produced assets to the capital stock less the disposals of these assets". "Investment" is a broader concept that includes investment in all kinds of capital assets, whether physical property or financial assets. In its statistical meaning, capital formation does not include financial assets such as stocks and securities.
Secondly, capital formation may be used synonymously with the notion of capital accumulation in the sense of a reinvestment of profits into capital assets. But "capital accumulation" is not normally an accounting concept in modern accounts (although it is sometimes used by the IMF and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development), and contains the ambiguity that an amassment of wealth could occur either through a redistribution of capital assets from one person or institution to another, or through a net addition to the total stock of capital in existence. As regards capital accumulation, it can flourish, so that some people become wealthier, although society as a whole becomes poorer, and the net capital formation decreases. In other words, the gain could be a net total gain, or a gain at the expense of loss by others that cancels out (or more than cancels out) the gain in aggregate.
Thirdly, gross capital formation is often used synonymously with gross fixed capital formation but strictly speaking this is an error because gross capital formation refers to more net asset gains than just fixed capital (it also includes net gains in inventory stocklevels and the balance of funds lent abroad).
Capital formation measures were originally designed to provide a picture of investment and growth of the "real economy" in which goods and services are produced using tangible capital assets. The measures were intended to identify changes in the growth of physical wealth across time. However, the international growth of the financial sector has created many structural changes in the way that business investments occur, and in the way capital finance is really organized. This not only affects the definition of the measures, but also how economists interpret capital formation. The most recent alterations in national accounts standards mean that capital measures and many other measures are no longer fully comparable with the data of the past, except where the old data series have been revised to align them with the new concepts and definitions. US government statisticians have admitted frankly that "Unfortunately, the finance sector is one of the more poorly measured sectors in national accounts".[5] The main reason is that national accounts were at first primarily designed to capture changes in tangible physical wealth, not financial wealth (in the form of financial claims).

Gross and net capital formation
In economic statistics and accounts, capital formation can be valued gross, i.e., before deduction of consumption of fixed capital (or "depreciation"), or net, i.e., after deduction of "depreciation" write-offs.

The gross valuation method views "depreciation" as a portion of the new income or wealth earned or created by the enterprise, and hence as part of the formation of new capital by the enterprise.
The net valuation method views "depreciation" as the compensation for the cost of replacing fixed equipment used up or worn out, which must be deducted from the total investment volume to obtain a measure of the "real" value of investments; the depreciation write-off compensates and cancels out the loss in capital value of assets used due to wear & tear, obsolescence, etc.
Because of government tax-incentives and valuation issues, depreciation charged by businesses is rarely a true reflection of the loss in value of their capital stock. Hence, statisticians often revalue actual depreciation charges according to data about asset values and average service lives of assets, in order to obtain measures of true "economic depreciation".

Technical measurement issues
Capital formation is notoriously difficult to measure statistically, mainly because of the valuation problems involved in establishing what the value of capital assets is. When a fixed asset or inventory is bought, it may be reasonably clear what its market value is, namely the purchaser's price. But as soon as it is bought, its value may change, and it may change even before it is put to use. Things often become more complicated to measure when a new fixed asset is acquired within some kind of lease agreement. Finally, the rate at which the value of the fixed asset depreciates will affect the gross and net valuation of the asset, yet different methods are typically used to value what assets are worth and how fast they depreciate. Capital assets can for instance be valued at:

historic cost (acquisition cost)
current replacement cost
current sale or resale value
average market value
business value, assuming a certain profit yield
value for tax purposes,
value for insurance purposes
purchasing power parity value
scrap value.
A business owner may in fact not even know what his business is "worth" as a going concern, in terms of its current market value. The "book value" of a capital stock may differ greatly from its "market value", and another figure may apply for taxation purposes. The value of capital assets may also be overstated or understated using various legal constructions. For any significant business, how assets are valued makes a big difference to its earnings and thus the correct statement of asset values is a perpetually controversial subject.

During an accounting period, additions may be made to capital assets (including those that disproportionately increase the value of the capital stock) and capital assets are also disposed of; at the same time, physical assets also incur depreciation or Consumption of fixed capital. Also, price inflation may affect the value of the capital stock.

In national accounts, there are additional problems:

The sales/purchases of one enterprise can be the investment of another enterprise. Therefore, to obtain a measure of the total net capital formation, a system of grossing and netting of capital flows is required. Without this, double counting would occur.
Capital expenditure must be distinguished from intermediate expenditure and other operating expenditure, but the boundaries are sometimes difficult to draw.
There exists nowadays a large market in second-hand (used) assets. In principle, statistical measures of gross fixed capital formation are supposed to refer to the net additions of newly produced fixed assets, which enlarge the total stock of fixed capital in the economy. But if a substantial trade occurs in fixed assets resold from one enterprise or one country to another, it may become difficult to know what the real net addition to the stock of fixed capital of a country actually is. A precise distinction between "new" and "used" assets becomes more difficult to draw. How to value used assets and their depreciation consistently becomes more problematic.
The general trend in accounting standards is for assets to be valued increasingly at "current market value", but this valuation is by no means absolutely clear and uncontroversial. It might be understood to mean the price of the asset if it was sold at a balance date, or the current replacement cost of the asset, or the average price of the asset type in the market at a certain date, etc.

Perpetual Inventory Method
A method often used in econometrics to estimate the value of the physical capital stock of an industrial sector or the whole economy is the so-called Perpetual Inventory Method (PIM). Starting off from a benchmark stock value for capital held, and expressing all values in constant dollars using a price index, known additions to the stock are added, and known disposals as well as depreciation are subtracted year by year (or quarter by quarter). Thus, an historical data series is obtained for the growth of the capital stock over a period of time. In so doing, assumptions are made about the real rate of price inflation, realistic depreciation rates, average service lives of physical capital assets, and so on. The PIM stock values can be compared with various other related economic variables and trends, and adjusted further to obtain the most accurate and credible valuation

Controversy
According to one popular kind of macro-economic definition in textbooks, capital formation refers to "the transfer of savings from households and governments to the business sector, resulting in increased output and economic expansion" (see Circular flow of income). The idea here is that individuals and governments save money, and then invest that money in the private sector, which produces more wealth with it. This definition is however inaccurate on two counts:

Firstly, many larger corporations engage in corporate self-financing, i.e., financing from their own reserves and undistributed profits, or through loans from (or share issues bought by) other corporations. In other words, the textbook definition ignores that the largest source of investment capital consists of financial institutions, not individuals or households or governments. Admittedly, financial institutions are, "in the last instance", mostly owned by individuals, but those individuals have little control over this transfer of funds, nor do they accomplish the transfer themselves. Few individuals can say they "own" a corporation, any more than individuals "own" the public sector. James M. Poterba (1987) found that changes in corporate saving are only partly offset (between 25% and 50%) by changes in household saving in the United States.[6] Social accountants Richard Ruggles and Nancy D. Ruggles established for the USA that "almost all financial savings done by households is used to pay for household capital formation - particularly, housing and consumer durables. On net, the household sector channels almost no financial savings to the enterprise sector. Conversely, almost all the capital formation done by enterprises is financed through enterprise savings - particularly, undistributed gross profits."[7]
Secondly, the transfer of funds to corporations may not result in increased output or economic expansion at all; given excess capacity, a low rate of return and/or lacklustre demand, corporations may not in fact invest those funds to expand output, and engage in asset speculation instead, to obtain property income that boosts shareholder returns. To illustrate, New Zealand's Finance Minister Michael Cullen stated that "My sense is that there are definite gains to be made, both economic and social, in increasing the savings level of New Zealanders and in encouraging diversification in assets away from the residential property market."[8] This idea is based on a flawed understanding of capital formation, ignoring the real issue - which is that the flow of mortgage repayments by households to financial institutions is not being used to expand output and employment on a scale that could repay escalating private sector debts. In reality, more and more local income and assets are appropriated by foreign share-holders and creditors in North America, Europe, Australia and Japan [2]. In December 2012, managed funds statistics compiled by the NZ Reserve Bank indicated that New Zealanders have 49.8% of their KiwiSaver money invested overseas. These managed fund figures include capital contributions, capital gains and losses and dividends and interest received.[9]
The concept of "household saving" must itself also be looked at critically, since a lot of this "saving" in reality consists precisely of investing in housing, which, given low interest rates and rising real estate prices, yields a better return than if you kept your money in the bank (or, in some cases, if you invested in shares). In other words, a mortgage from a bank can effectively function as a "savings scheme" although officially it is not regarded as "savings".

Example of capital estimates
In the 2005 Analytical Perspectives document, an annex to the US Budget (Table 12-4: National Wealth, p. 201), an annual estimate is provided for the value of total tangible capital assets of the USA, which doubled since 1980 (stated in trillions of dollars, at September 30, 2003):

Publicly owned physical assets:

Structures and equipment . . . . . . $5.6
Federally owned or financed . . . $2.2
Federally owned . . . . . . . . . . .$1.0
Grants to state and local govt . . . $1.0
Funded by state and local govt . . . $3.3
Other federal assets . . . . . . . . $1.4
Subtotal (1). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $6.9 trillion

Privately owned physical assets:

Reproducible assets . . . . . . . . $28.7
Residential structures. . . . . . . $12.4
Nonresidential plant & equipment . $11.8
Inventories . . . . . . . . . . . . $1.5
Consumer durables . . . . . . . . . $3.1
Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $10.2
Subtotal (2). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $38.9 trillion

Education capital:

federally financed . . . . . . . . . $1.4
financed from other sources . . . . $44.0
Subtotal (3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . $45.4 trillion

Research and development capital:

federally financed R&D . . . . . . . $1.1
R&D financed from other sources . . $1.7
Subtotal (4). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .$2.9 trillion

TOTAL ASSETS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $94.1 trillion

Net claims of foreigners on US . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $4.2 trillion

Net wealth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .$89.9 trillion

(Note: these data obviously do not include financial assets, such as estimated by the McKinsey Quarterly, only "tangible" assets in US territory. The total value of marketable financial assets in the USA was estimated in 2007 at about US$46 trillion [3]. This total obviously does not include assets, deposits and reserves that are not traded. The data series on national wealth provided in the budget annex were discontinued by the administration of President Barack Obama).

See also
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Wealth.
Capital (economics)
Capital accumulation
Constant capital
Consumption of fixed capital
Debt
Double counting (accounting)
Equity investment (in finance and investment)
Factoring (finance)
Financial capital
Fixed capital
Gross fixed capital formation
Human capital
Initial public offering
Investment-specific technological progress
Privately held company
Public company
Reverse takeover (also known as a back door listing or reverse merger)
Social capital
Special-purpose acquisition company (SPAC)
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